Arafat's Last Hurrah?

By Serge Schmemann

JERUSALEM, Sept. 13 — Nine years ago today, Yasser Arafat stood on the White House lawn, at the zenith of his long career. It was a moment he invoked again and again in his speech to the Palestinian parliament on Monday, how he signed the "peace of the brave with my friend Yitzhak Rabin."

Monday's speech may have been his swan song, however. Far from rallying once again behind their leader, the Palestinian Legislative Council proceeded to denounce his rule — for corruption, cronyism, lost opportunities, lost dreams, lost lives — until he gave in to their demands and dumped his entire cabinet. He also set presidential and parliamentary elections for Jan. 20.

The moment had none of the elation of the 1993 White House ceremony, and, typical of the Palestinians' luck, it was largely obscured by the Sept. 11 anniversary and by the looming danger of an attack against Israel from Iraq that an American military strike against Baghdad could provoke. Furthermore, after two years of bloodshed, Israelis and Palestinians are wary of leaping to optimistic conclusions.

But on both sides, there was a cautious sense that, just perhaps, a critical corner had been turned. At the very least, Mr. Arafat had received a clear message from his own legislators: step aside.

The effective coup followed six weeks without a suicide bombing inside Israel. While Israeli leaders attributed this largely to the army's success in intercepting many would-be bombers, they also all acknowledged that Palestinian public opinion seemed to be turning increasingly against violence.

It was an assertion made quietly, accompanied by a knock on wood. But intelligence and army officers said privately that there was little question that the unrelenting Israeli incursions to seize or kill militants were undermining the allure of guns and bombs.

"I think it is too early to say who is the victor, but without a doubt we should look with great interest at what is happening today in the Palestinian Authority and see what will come out of this stew," said Gideon Ezra, deputy minister of internal security, in what seemed to reflect the reaction of the Israeli government. "I warn ourselves not to interfere, to watch what is going on there, to do our job and in the meantime guard the citizens of the state of Israel."

On the Palestinian side, leaders avoided declaring any retreat in resisting what they call the Israeli "occupation," in part from a proud reluctance to give any impression that they were bowing to Israeli or American pressures. Council members defiantly declare that they had no intention of "creating a Karzai" — a reference to the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai — and they insist that their campaign for reform preceded any outside demands.

But there is also ample evidence that many Palestinians recognize the enormous damage that suicide bombings had done to their standing and aspirations — and that growing numbers hold Mr. Arafat and his lieutenants responsible.

It was noteworthy that Abdel Razak Yehiyeh, the Palestinian interior minister, who publicly denounced suicide bombings, had lawmakers' strong support to stay in his post.

Then there was the recent publication in a newspaper owned by the Palestinian Authority of an article in which a former Palestinian minister accused Mr. Arafat of failing to accept a deal at Camp David — a charge hitherto taboo among Palestinians. The author, Nabil Amr, drew no public criticism for his comments.

There was also the leak of a draft declaration by Al Fatah, Mr. Arafat's movement, which declared, "We reject and will prevent any attacks against Israeli civilians." Fatah leaders stressed that it was a draft, and did not have the support of the movement's military wing.

Many council members declared that their next goal would be to transfer most executive powers to a prime minister. The name most often cited was Mahmoud Abbas, known as Abu Mazen, Mr. Arafat's longtime No. 2 and a moderate.

It is too early to judge whether these signs are a harbinger of change. Everyone understands that a new Palestinian suicide attack, or another Israeli assassination, or an attack by Iraq, could instantly change the equation.

With only four months before the elections, and with Palestinian towns still under siege, there was also no predicting who would win the voting. The Bush administration had tried to delay the balloting, fearing that current conditions could restore some of Mr. Arafat's standing.

"They are having an argument that has the clear sign of a democratic turning point," said Shimon Peres, the Israeli foreign minister. "Elections are a door to democracy. They are not democracy."

For now, what is clear is that the Palestinians have had enough of the clique Mr. Arafat brought back with him from exile. Many of his most vocal critics are Fatah members who had not been with him abroad and who have been riled by the corruption and autocratic style of the returning leaders.

The council members' stated intentions included ousting some of the prominent old guard figures.

But a stiff power struggle lies ahead. Until his arrest by Israel in April, Marwan Barghouti, 43, the Fatah leader in the West Bank, had been regarded as the most prominent of the younger generation. During the council session, several Fatah members in their 40's, including Ahmad al-Diek, Husam Khader and Kadoura Fares, seemed to be actively campaigning.

Muhammad Dahlan, 42, Mr. Arafat's security adviser and a former Gaza security chief who is respected by Israelis and Americans, was on everybody's short list as a serious contender.

The signs of movement among Palestinians also nudged Israeli politicians to suggest that their government might also start looking for a new approach. "After two years of a violent clash with Palestinian terror, I think we can say with the utmost caution that there is a ray of light at the end of the tunnel," said Defense Minister Benjamin Ben Eliezer, the leader of the Labor Party.

The government, he continued, should not put all its faith in military superiority, but should "launch an Arafat-bypassing political initiative that will promote a new order both within the Palestinian establishment and its approach toward Israel."
 


Suspected Planner of Attacks is Apprehended in Pakistan
By Susan Schmidt and Dan Eggen
Washington Post Staff Writers
Ramzi Binalshibh, who allegedly helped plan and coordinate the Sept. 11 attacks on New York and the Pentagon, has been captured and is in U.S. custody after surviving a fierce firefight in Karachi with Pakistani police on the anniversary of the terror strikes, intelligence and law enforcement sources said yesterday.

The arrest marks the end of a yearlong manhunt for a suspect believed to be one of the few living conspirators in the Sept. 11 plot. It signifies an important victory in the difficult campaign to apprehend key operatives in Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda terrorist network.

Even as Americans commemorated the anniversary of the attacks, Binalshibh was arrested by Pakistani police on Wednesday with as many as 10 other suspects, after a three-hour gun-and-grenade battle in which two gunmen. were killed. He is being transferred to a U.S. airbase in Afghanistan, sources said.

Details of the arrest were unclear last night, but one intelligence source said that CIA paramilitary units "were nearby" when the raid was carried out.

Charged in Germany with more than 3,000 counts of murder for his complicity in the attacks, Binalshibh had hoped to be the 20th hijacker in the plot but was repeatedly rebuffed in attempts to secure a U.S. visa, officials have said. His name has also surfaced in investigations of several other terrorist attacks, including the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole in Yemen and a bombing earlier this year of a synagogue in Tunisia.

The Yemeni national roomed with hijacking ringleader Mohamed Atta in Hamburg, and provided crucial financial and logistical support to Atta and other members of the cell who carried out the operation, according to intelligence officials. The U.S. indictment against another alleged Sept. 11 conspirator, Zacarias Moussaoui, names Binalshibh as an "unindicted co-conspirator," and accused him of wiring money to Moussaoui and at least one of the hijackers, Marwan Al-Shehhi.

In a previously audiotaped interview with the Qatar-based al-Jazeera television station broadcast Thursday, Binalshibh boasted of his role in helping to organize the Sept. 11 plot and called the attacks "real acts of heroism" that succeeded in part because "the enemy is stupid." Al-Jazeera said it conducted the interview with Binalshibh and Khalid Sheik Mohammed, believed to be a top coordinator of the Sept. 11 attack, in a secret location in Karachi.

"He is a very big fish to catch," said Vincent Cannistraro, a former CIA counterterrorism official. "He certainly was the coordinator with Khalid of the 9/11 operation itself, and he might know some of the people who may still be in the United States if we can get him to talk."

U.S. sources said Mohammed, one of the FBI's "Most Wanted Terrorists," was not captured as part of the Karachi raid. Only one other suspected terrorist known to be in U.S. custody, al Qaeda lieutenant Abu Zubaida, surpasses Binalshibh in importance, several officials and observers said.

In a separate development, a federal official last night that authorities have issued arrest warrants in Buffalo, N.Y., for five men who are believed to have gone through al Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan. At least some of the men were in custody, the official said.

The men were described as naturalized American citizens, and some or all are of Yemeni descent. They have been living in Lackawanna, a suburb of Buffalo.

In Wednesday's raid on a low-rise apartment building in Karachi, which began about 9 a.m. local time, two suspects were killed and one police officer was seriously wounded. Suspects hurled grenades and fired assault rifles at police for three hours.

Police seized a satellite phone, a laptop computer, firearms, grenades and other items from the building, according to local press reports.

As President Pervez Musharraf has heightened efforts to crack down on militants, Pakistani security forces have engaged in more frequent gun battles with suspected terrorist operatives.

Harvey Kushner, a terrorism expert at Long Island University, said the case "shows that there is significant cooperation with intelligence agencies around the world." But he said he would not expect the arrest to affect the second-generation al Qaeda network, which has dispersed to a number of countries. Officials now fear that lower-level and largely independent operatives are planning attacks on their own.

The terror operatives are "much more spread out now," Kushner said.

In the al-Jazeera interview, Binalshibh and Mohammed said planning for the Sept. 11 attacks began in 1999.

Binalshibh has been identified by some Western intelligence and law enforcement officials as having attended a terrorist meeting in January 2000 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in which both the Cole attack and the Sept. 11 plot are believed to have been discussed. However, disagreement persists among intelligence analysts over whether a surveilance photograph identifies him as attendance.

Binalshibh grew up in the eastern Yemeni province of Hadramaut, considered a hotbed of Islamic radicalism. He first entered Hamburg in 1995 with a phony plea for asylum.

Staff writers Walter Pincus and Dana Priest contributed to this report.
 


A Man in the Middle of Sept. 11 Ramzi Said to have Attended Key Meetings Before Attacks

By Peter Finn

BERLIN, Sept. 13 -- Ramzi Binalshibh, the former roommate and trusted assistant of Sept. 11 ringleader Mohamed Atta, was present at every major event in the evolution of the plot, investigators believe, from the recruitment of a group of young Arab students in Hamburg, Germany, to the final planning meeting in Spain just weeks before the attacks.

His capture in Pakistan and subsequent handover to U.S. officials takes investigators to the core of the conspiracy by the al Qaeda terrorist network and offers the possibility of solving many of the outstanding mysteries about how Sept. 11 was planned and executed.

It remains unclear if the capture of the 30-year-old Binalshibh was related to his decision to grant an interview to the Arabic-language al-Jazeera TV network, apparently from a hiding place in Pakistan. In the program, broadcast this week, Binalshibh described himself as the "coordinator" of the attacks.

"Regarding your question about the issue of coordination," he told the al-Jazeera interviewer, "in brief, it's the issue of connecting the cells to each other, forming a link between these cells and the general command in Afghanistan and determining the priorities and following up on the work of these cells until the conclusion of its work."

His statements to the network, including the claim that he has written a 112-page justification for Sept. 11, may provide additional evidence for U.S. authorities to indict him, a U.S. official said.

Binalshibh has been named by U.S. prosecutors as an unindicted co-conspirator in the trial of Zacarias Moussaoui, the French Moroccan who investigators say took Binalshibh's place among the hijackers after Binalshibh was turned down for a visa to travel to the United States.

An international arrest warrant under which he was being sought was issued, last year, by German authorities, based on his activities in Germany, where he stands with more 3,000 counts of murder for his role in the attacks. U.S. authorities, however, are unlikely to hand him over to the Germans.

Once in German custody, the United States would have great difficulty in extraditing him to face trial, if there was a threat of capital punishment, as is likely in cases relating to Sept. 11. The Germans have refused to hand over evidence for the trial of Moussaoui unless they receive guarantees that it will not be used secure a capital conviction.

So a U.S. indictment of Binalshibh, or a military trial, is now likely.

Binalshibh was born in Yemen, in the province of Hadramaut, home to many Islamic radicals. In 1995, he stepped off a ship in Hamburg and asked for political asylum, claiming to be a refugee from Sudan who had been jailed following a student demonstration in the capital, Khartoum.

His story wasn't believed, but by the time he was formally turned down by asylum officials and ordered deported, in December 1997, he had obtained residency and a student visa, allowing him to stay. He entered a German language program to prepare for college studies, but dropped out, leaving many teachers and students with the impression that he was neither smart nor dedicated.

But in Hamburg he met Atta, who was both. In 1998, Binalshibh moved into an apartment with Atta and another student, Said Bahaji, who also is being sought on a German arrest warrant.

Binalshibh had wanted to take part in the attacks, investigators believe, but he failed four times to get a U.S. visa. "It was only by luck, really, he wasn't given a visa," said one U.S. official. "Otherwise, he'd have been on one of those planes that went down."

Investigators say they have concluded that planning for the Sept. 11 attacks was punctuated by two critical meetings, one in Malaysia in January 2000 and one in Spain in July 2001. Binalshibh is the only person known to be alive who attended both meetings, making him a key potential source of answers to the enduring questions about the plot. These include who initiated it, how the hijackers and flights were selected, and who coordinated the hijackers with Afghanistan and in the United States, Western intelligence officials said.

Binalshibh also was a conduit for money sent to the Sept. 11 pilots in the United States as well as Moussaoui, whose exact role remains the subject of debate.



Editorial: Never Mind, Mr. Sharon

MOST OF THREE months has passed since President Bush laid out his vision for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and still there has been next to no follow-up by his administration. No Cabinet-level officials have visited the region since the president's speech; despite pleas from the Arab leaders Mr. Bush asked for support, no details have been offered on how to move from the present situation to Mr. Bush's vision of side-by-side Israeli and Palestinian states. On the contrary: Despite Mr. Bush's announcement of an international effort to reconstruct Palestinian security forces, the CIA has taken only token steps to train new officers; despite the president's clarion call for Palestinian democracy, the administration has quietly joined Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in opposing the holding of Palestinian national elections anytime in the near future. In effect, what the president cast on June 24 as a major initiative for Middle East peace has all but vanished; in its place is a suddenly all-consuming campaign against Iraq that could soon lead to a new Middle East war. Vice President Cheney, among others, is arguing that overturning the regime of Saddam Hussein will make an Israeli-Palestinian settlement easier; but even if that is true, what is not clear is how a conflict that has cost more than 2,000 lives in the past two years, and is a primary source of Muslim grievance against the United States, can be contained between now and then.

In the now familiar absence of Bush administration engagement, halting progress has been made by the parties on the ground. There have been no major Palestinian suicide attacks against Israelis in six weeks, despite several attempts; both the Israeli army and the Palestinian administration claim credit, and both probably had something to do with it. Attempts by Palestinian political and military leaders to change the direction of their self-destructive uprising against Israel, and to force Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat to yield most of his power, continue in spite of Mr. Arafat's strong resistance; this week the legislative body of the Palestinian Authority delivered an unprecedented rebuff, forcing the resignation of Mr. Arafat's cabinet. The more moderate Labor Party ministers in Mr. Sharon's cabinet have been trying to negotiate incremental security agreements with the Palestinians, and there are signs of revival in the long-moribund Israeli peace camp.

But Israeli troops occupy six major West Bank towns and significant parts of the Gaza Strip, imposing curfews and other restrictions on movement that aid agencies say are breeding a mounting humanitarian crisis. Israeli forces killed more than a dozen innocent Palestinian civilians in the past two weeks, including several children; a hasty official investigation cleared the soldiers of any wrongdoing. Israeli settlement-building in the territories continues; Mr. Sharon refuses to rein it in, just as he rejects any discussion of Palestinian statehood or any negotiations -- even with a post-Arafat leadership -- about a permanent peace. For his part, Mr. Bush clearly remains unwilling to do or say anything that would cross Mr. Sharon. That reluctance largely explains his administration's failure to act on his broad promises of last June; in the coming months, it could also prove a serious impediment to building a coalition against Iraq.
 


Russia Still Opposed to Iraq Attack
Putin Hints at Cooperation in Return for Free Hand in Georgia

By Peter Baker

MOSCOW, Sept. 13 -- Russia refused to budge today in its opposition to an attack against Iraq, arguing that President Bush has yet to exhaust all options for a political solution even as it insisted on the right to attack a neighbor accused of sheltering terrorists.

With its veto power, Russia emerged as perhaps the key country on the U.N. Security Council as the Bush administration sought to persuade the international body to issue a new ultimatum to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. But Russia's threat to launch a strike against Chechen rebel camps across the border in Georgia presented an unexpected challenge for the Bush team.

Both sides disavowed any linkage between the two issues. But Russian President Vladimir Putin effectively injected the issue of Georgia by warning of unilateral action against the former Soviet republic this week at the same time Bush was soliciting allies against Iraq.

Russian politicians and analysts were discussing a possible Georgia-for-Iraq deal -- Russia would not block Bush's plan to topple Hussein if the Americans step aside in Georgia.

"If the U.S. thinks it is possible to conduct military actions against a state because there is suspicion that it is making weapons of mass destruction, likewise Russia as a member of the anti-terrorist coalition can bomb Georgia because there are terrorists on Georgian territory," said Irina Khakamada, a deputy speaker of the State Duma, the lower house of parliament.

A visiting U.S. diplomat rejected the notion of a direct tradeoff. "I don't see that there really are any quid pro quos to be had, whether with Russia or others," said Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton, who was here consulting with Russian leaders about Iraq and other issues. "I think our case is extremely strong and stands on its own merits."

Yet a senior U.S. official, who asked not to be identified, said Washington was open to hearing Russia's arguments for action against Georgia and suggested that the two countries might find "common interest" on the need for preemptive strikes against terrorists.

As one of five permanent Security Council members, Russia could single-handedly block any resolution threatening force. Britain supports the United States, France has moved closer to Bush's position and U.S. diplomats say they believe they can persuade China to at least abstain if Russia sides with the United States.

Russia has long complained that Georgia harbors Chechen guerrillas in the Pankisi Gorge. Seizing on the anniversary of the Sept. 11 attacks this week, Putin employed Bush's own logic in announcing that he would authorize military action against Georgia if the tiny, mountainous country does not rid its territory of people he has characterized as terrorists.

"He's assuming very cleverly the same framework that Bush is," said Fiona Hill, a Brookings Institution scholar who studies the region. "It's a typical and very clever step for Putin to step into the international spotlight to remind everyone of Russia's own interest. It's basically turning the Bush administration's words back on itself."

Many Russian newspapers speculated today on a potential trade-off. "The 'deal' between Bush and Putin -- who traded Saddam Hussein for [Georgian President] Eduard Shevardnadze -- is the talk of the day in the Russian political establishment," said the Vremya Novostei newspaper. The paper quoted ultranationalist parliamentary leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky, a Hussein supporter, as saying: "Russia will condemn the operation against Iraq but will not take any preventive measures. In return, America will wink at Russia's operation in Georgia."

The State Department took "strong exception" on Thursday to any threats by Russia against Georgia and said the United States would "oppose any unilateral military action" there.

Tedo Japaridze, the Georgian national security adviser, said he has spoken with Deputy Secretary of State Richard L. Armitage and was confident that Georgia is "the red line that President Putin and his people cannot trespass. Washington will stand strong next to Georgia." In a telephone interview from Tbilisi, the Georgian capital, Japaridze said he had detected no buildup of Russian forces near the border.

Georgian troops engaged in a firefight in the gorge Thursday night and arrested three men, he said, one of whom was wounded in the exchange. Georgia has now captured a total of 15 men in Pankisi, mostly local residents described as criminals. Only one was an Arab suspected of links to international terrorist organizations.

Correspondent Susan B. Glasser contributed to this report.
 


Bush's Worst-Case Scenario

By William Raspberry

President Bush, playing prosecutor before the "court" of the United Nations, did a splendid job of proving the defendant a murderous, lying and unremorseful slimeball. But he made no headway in proving what badly needs proving: that the slimeball did the particular crime with which he is now charged -- and for which the prosecutor is demanding the death penalty.

The Bush administration has been at great pains to make the case that Saddam Hussein is such a threat to the security of the United States as to warrant a unilateral U.S. assault with the implied intention of killing him.

But the evidence presented this week consisted almost entirely of the Iraqi dictator's offenses against his own citizens, his neighbors and the United Nations. In addition to the oft-repeated (and, so far as I know, uncontested) allegations that Hussein used chemical weapons against Iran and against Iraq's Kurds, Bush made a detailed case that Hussein repeatedly defied, ignored, violated and otherwise disrespected U.N. resolutions and directives -- a "decade of deception and defiance," he called it.

But surely the United Nations knew that already -- and knows that it has the power to invoke military means to enforce its directives. It may be a shame that it has not done so, and the Bush speech may be useful in that regard.

What the speech did not offer, though, is any evidence that Hussein is amassing weapons of mass destruction for use against the United States. That, as far as I can understand it, is the charge on which the American-executed death penalty would be based. Without that evidence, the rationale seems to go something like this: Saddam Hussein has "dissed" the United Nations and menaced his neighbors, and if the United Nations is too chicken to do anything about it, then America will.

But surely the administration's warmongering hasn't been on behalf of the United Nations (although Bush did take the occasion of his speech to announce America's return to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, which it left in 1984). No, we have been led to believe that Hussein is such an imminent threat to us that we dare not wait much longer to take him out. And always the explanation is made in the context of terrorism -- suggesting, though not quite saying, that Iraq is behind the savagery we now know as 9/11. If it were true -- and neither Bush nor anyone else has offered the slimmest reed of evidence that it is -- then I wouldn't be cautioning against an all-out attack on Hussein. Nations, after all, have a duty to protect themselves.

But the best Bush could do the other day was to note that an unchecked Saddam Hussein could destabilize the region, which would be bad for us; that Iraq could be stockpiling weapons of mass destruction -- perhaps even getting nearer to producing atomic weapons; and that Iraqis were suspected in a 1993 attempt to "assassinate the emir of Kuwait and a former American president" -- the current president's father.

The Clinton administration responded to that attempt, which took place during a visit by the senior Bush to Kuwait, by firing 23 Tomahawk missiles at the headquarters of Iraqi intelligence.

What else is there? According to our president, this: "Iraq's government openly praised the attacks of September 11. And al Qaeda terrorists escaped from Afghanistan are known to be in Iraq."

By my lights, the prosecutor's failure to make a convincing case is complete. The case fails diplomatically, because unilateral action of the sort envisioned would weaken the relevant international institutions and complicate our role in the world. It fails militarily -- not because we couldn't stomp Hussein's pitiful army but because we don't seem to have thought through the consequences of "victory," including the likelihood that it wouldn't stop terrorism and that we would be stuck with running Iraq for years to come.

And it fails morally. War is sometimes necessary. But it needs a firmer basis than that the slimeball was happy about 9/11 and I'm still sore about Poppy.
 

 

What Time Is It? There just isn't time for all the things it's time for
By Michael Kinsley

"It's time to put sentiment aside," announced New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof one day last month. And who can disagree? Kristof's particular sermon was not about 9/11 or about invading Iraq but about whales, and his view may not be widely shared. (Go ahead and kill a few, he feels.) But on the larger point Kristof speaks for all of us in the business of manufacturing opinions. On all subjects, it is time to put sentiment aside.

You may be thinking that it would have been nice to be alerted back when opinion-makers thought it was okay to wallow in sentiment, so that you could enjoy this opportunity before the time came to put sentiment aside. But there was no such opportunity. Sentiment belongs in a special category, along with partisan differences, of things that exist primarily to be put aside. When sentiment and partisan differences are put aside, there is room for goodwill, reason, common sense and maybe even a small refrigerator where cooler heads can prevail.

A check of articles in just four major newspapers during the three weeks or so since Kristoff's declaration indicates that it is time for literally hundreds of different things, in the view of those who write for or are quoted in the news media. A few of these matters do seem time-sensitive. This may actually be an especially good moment to consider leaving a corporate board of directors or to discuss with a child what he or she is willing to eat for lunch at school. But most of the things it is said to be time for are more like democracy in Pakistan or reviving urban rivers: It is time for them only in the sense that it is never not time for them.

The dean of Stanford Law School, for example, says "it is time" for America "to hold true to its principles." Was there a time, in her view, when America should not have held true to its principles? By contrast not everyone will agree with the letter writer to the Wall Street Journal who says, "It is time to bring the hierarchy in Rome to its knees to beg forgiveness from the rest of the world for its crimes against humanity." But our view on this subject is unlikely to turn on what time it is.

It may be logically pointless to insist that it's time for something you never think it's not time for, but the "time for" conceit serves various rhetorical purposes. It suggests that you are open-minded and deliberative. You are not saying that your opinion is always and obviously correct. You are saying that you have considered the various options and only now have reached your conclusion, which itself is only tentative and applicable at this point in time.

"It is time to concede that politicians will never understand" the world's major conflicts, writes a Times culture critic, who evidently thinks he does understand them. This might seem arrogant, but "it is time" suggests that he decided only lately and reluctantly that his view of geopolitics is superior to that of the politicians. That word "concede" is an especially elegant touch, though one may wonder who forced him to concede the superiority of his own opinion. "It is time" gives you the credibility of a convert. You are not one of those folks who have always believed unquestioningly that Jews and Christians should "bury old suspicions and fears." Until now, you did not think that Americans should "practice what we preach" -- or at least you did not feel strongly about it. But now, "it is time." Your opinion on this subject is fresh and strong.

Third, it creates a sense of urgency. Not merely do you hold a particular opinion but this is the very moment when your view of things ought to prevail. Yesterday would have been too soon and tomorrow may be too late. A strong sense of urgency can even help to disguise a certain flabbiness in the opinion itself. According to a Washington Post op-ed piece, "now is the time to create a Commission on Privacy, Personal Liberty and Homeland Security." A commission to study the matter is just about the lamest thing you can call for on any subject. But at least "it is time" gives an illusion of vitality.

But where will we find the time for all the things it is time for? Fear not. In recent weeks' newspapers, the list of things it is not or no longer time for is almost as long. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder says the time for "checkbook diplomacy" is over. Dear Abby says this is no time for feuding -- though she also says it is time to face reality, which for most of us will eat up more time than we save by eschewing feuds. A Los Angeles Times economic correspondent says it is time for Americans to "drop their infatuation with unfettered markets," while a half-dozen others add that it is not the time to raise taxes on business. As if, in their view, it ever could be that time.

With any luck, the time you spend doing the things it is time to start doing and the time you save by not doing things it is time to stop doing ought to be roughly equal. So please continue to do everything the media tell you to do. 

Christian Science Monitor.

 


Backing on Iraq? Let's Make a Deal
By Paul Richter and Greg Miller

WASHINGTON -- After struggling for months to talk other nations into helping oust Saddam Hussein, President Bush is beginning to use terms they might find easier to understand: cash, weapons, business deals and favors.

Bush's speech Thursday at the United Nations marked the start of intense behind-the-scenes negotiations to see what inducements will help convert countries that so far have been balking, at least publicly, at joining the anti-Hussein campaign.

U.S. officials expect the Turks to ask for weapons and debt relief, the Russians and French for access to Iraqi oilfield business, the Qataris for cash to build an air base, and the Jordanians for guarantees of oil and trade. Officials expect many other countries to join the horse
trading, and predict that they won't be shy.

"Countries in the Middle East take the bazaari approach," said Danielle Pletka, a former Senate aide who now works at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. "Once they know we want to buy ... the sky's the limit."

Said a senior congressional aide, "This is a great time to step forward and get something you want from the United States."

The administration's initial focus will be on members of the United Nations Security Council, notably Russia, France and China, officials say. Their backing will be important soon, as the United States tries to persuade the council to enforce resolutions demanding that Iraq abandon its chemical, biological and nuclear weapons programs.

But U.S. officials will also try to persuade many other countries in the Middle East and farther afield to cooperate with a military campaign, or at least to temper their opposition.

The Pentagon still needs to win commitments from countries near Iraq for use of military bases and overflight rights.

The effort mirrors U.S. coalition-building before the 1991 Persian Gulf War, and before the U.S. assault last fall on the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Yet this job promises to be considerably tougher, because many nations are skeptical of the need for war, and the United States doesn't have access to the billions of dollars that Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and others contributed to the 1991 Persian Gulf War campaign.

"The horse
trading will be much more difficult this time," predicted Edward S. Walker Jr., a former assistant secretary of State for the Middle East who is now president of the Middle East Institute.

"Part of what you've been seeing is people making a public display of opposition that will increase the price," he said.

Most countries resent any suggestion that their support can be bought. These countries insist that such deals are needed simply to reduce the economic costs and political risks of cooperation.

Turkish officials were furious last winter when former Clinton political guru Dick Morris declared on American TV that the U.S. had bought their nation's military cooperation over time by pressing for a generous International Monetary Fund
loan program.

"They were outraged," said Bulent Aliriza, a Turkish expert and former specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. "It's precisely the wrong image."

Turkey's strategic location and frequent cooperation have made it America's most important military partner in the region. The Turks contend that their participation this time would add a huge burden at a time when their country is trying to cope with crushing economic problems. They are also deeply worried that war with Iraq might lead to an independent Kurdish state that would threaten their own eastern territory.

Accordingly, they have a long wish list, including advanced weapons, relief on their $5-billion debt to the U.S. for weapons purchases, and help from the United States in ensuring that Turkey continues to receive IMF credits, U.S. officials say. Some Turkish officials have also pressed the United States to ensure that any military campaign doesn't take place in the summer, when it could damage the country's tourist industry.

Turkish officials argue that their country has lost more than $40 billion in revenue by cooperating with the United States during the Persian Gulf War and the sanctions against Iraq since.

Turkey stepped in under U.S. pressure this year to lead the international peacekeeping force in Afghanistan. Congress recently appropriated $228 million to cover Turkey's costs there.

Russia has made little secret of the importance that economics will have in winning its cooperation.
Moscow has told U.S. officials that it wants any new Baghdad government to honor Iraq's approximately $8-billion debt to Russia. The Russians also want assurances that any successor government will allow Russian companies to keep their large share of the Iraqi oil business, and to get a piece of the business that develops in the new Iraq.

Although State Department officials insist that the U.S. government has made no commitments, Alexander Vershbow, the U.S. ambassador to Russia, told reporters this week that Moscow's investments in Iraq would be "better protected under new leadership."

Russia has yet to receive "a single kopek" of the billions in debt, he noted.

Another demand may be Washington's silence on Russia's planned $1-billion nuclear power plant for Iran. After years of complaining that the project posed a nuclear proliferation threat, the White House has recently lowered the volume.

Russia's arrangement with the United States could involve an important non-financial issue: Washington might have signaled that it will give the Kremlin a free hand against Chechen separatists, including those taking refuge in U.S.-allied Georgia. Publicly, however, the State Department told wire services that the U.S. would oppose unilateral Russian military action inside Georgia.

President Vladimir V. Putin seemed to be preparing fellow Russians for a reversal of the Kremlin's rejection of military action against Iraq when he proclaimed that Russia had the right to attack Chechen bases in Georgia to do its part in the war against terrorism.

In France, an official denied that President Jacques Chirac's government would seek any financial deal as part of an agreement to join the United States.

"Our focus on Iraq is about disarmament, not about access to oilfields if there's a new government," the official said. Yet a U.S. official noted that the French complained often that after the Gulf War, French companies were not included in the rebuilding of the Kuwaiti oilfields, as they had been promised. He said American officials expect to hear from France on this issue before long.

"We're still in the process of establishing positions, before the French get to their dollar value," the U.S. official said.

It is not clear whether China will ask the United States to protect its small but growing business stake in Iraq, or provide other help. China is not expected to directly support a U.S. campaign; the question is how vocal and obstructive the Communist nation might be.

In exchange for not loudly opposing U.S. action in Iraq, Beijing will probably press for satisfaction on its biggest diplomatic concern: Taiwan. The issue will almost certainly come up during President Jiang Zemin's visit with Bush in Texas next month. China has been displeased with what it sees as a tilt toward Taiwan by the Bush administration.

Meanwhile, some foreign diplomats and experts see Iraq as the real reason the U.S. two weeks ago unexpectedly backed Beijing in its efforts against a separatist group in northwestern China, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. After resisting such action, the United States added the organization to its list of terrorist groups and backed China in adding the group to the U.N.'s terrorist list.

In the Middle East, Jordan, with a large population of Palestinians and a border with Iraq, is not expected to play a visible role in any attack on the Iraqi president. But the United States is eager to ensure Jordan's long-term stability, and it would probably take steps to ensure a continued supply of oil and other goods that the Jordanians now receive from Iraq.

The Egyptians, recipients of huge U.S. aid, would likely receive some additional assistance, even if they are not active participants in an attack. Syria
may use the opportunity to press the United States for an important non-economic goal—return of the Golan Heights from Israel, a U.S. official said.

Sen. Richard G. Lugar of Indiana, the ranking Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said he was aware of pressure from countries such as Russia and France, and urged the White House to consider such requests.

"My own hope is that we would look at this," Lugar said. "That's the way the coalition is going to be built."

Staff writers Carol J. Williams in Moscow, Henry Chu in Beijing, David Holley and Maria De Cristofaro in Rome, and special correspondent Amberin Zaman in Ankara, Turkey, contributed to this report.
 


Key Al Qaeda Suspect Seized in Pakistan

By Josh Meyer and Bob Drogin

WASHINGTON -- In a major coup in the war on terrorism, U.S. and Pakistani officials said Friday that authorities had captured Ramzi Binalshibh, a suspected organizer of the Sept. 11 attacks who may also have been planning to be the 20th hijacker.

U.S. officials confirmed that Pakistan had identified Binalshibh as one of at least eight Al Qaeda operatives captured by Pakistani authorities during a prolonged shootout in the bustling port city of Karachi on Wednesday.

Binalshibh's arrest ended one of the most intensive manhunts in U.S. history, and came amid criticism that the U.S.-led war on terrorism has been largely unsuccessful because so many leaders of Al Qaeda remain fugitives.

"This is a significant blow to Al Qaeda," said one U.S. official.

The FBI and Justice Department had no comment on Binalshibh. In a separate development, authorities said five men of Yemeni descent, at least some of them American citizens, were arrested near Buffalo, New York, on suspicion of being involved in terrorist activity. The officials said more details of the case would be provided Saturday.

In Binalshibh's case, Pakistani officials said they captured eight Al Qaeda operatives-- six of Yemeni origin, as well as an Egyptian and a Saudi, and that one of them was "very senior" member of the terrorist organization who had been the subject of an intensive international manhunt.

Several U.S. officials confirmed that the senior operative was Binalshibh, 30, a former roommate of hijack plot ringleader Mohamed Atta. Authorities believe Binalshibh played a central role in the terror plot. U.S. and Pakistani officials would not comment on where Binalshibh was being held.

U.S. officials say that besides being in on the beginning of the Sept. 11 plot, Binalshibh tried at least four times to gain entry into the United States, but was denied a visa each time. They believe Binalshibh intended to be the fifth hijacker on one of the four planes, and that he later tried to help get Zacarias Moussaoui onto the plane in his place by wiring him money and providing other logistical help.

Binalshibh also wired money to several of the hijackers in the United States and to a Florida flight school at which one of the hijackers was training, according to the indictment of Moussaoui. German officials issued a warrant for Binalshibh's arrest less than two weeks after the Sept. 11 attacks, and authorities have been hunting for him ever since. Moussaoui, the only surviving suspect in the plot to be charged in U.S. courts, is set to stand trial in the United States early next year.

U.S. officials spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing the extraordinary sensitivity of taking a top Al Qaeda operative into custody in Pakistan, particularly in Karachi where anti-American fervor is strong. They also said Pakistani and U.S. officials had tried to keep the arrest confidential in order not to tip off more Al Qaeda operatives believed to be hiding out in the Karachi area.

Chief among them may be Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, a shadowy figure who is thought to have come up with the idea of the Sept. 11 plot. A journalist for the Arab satellite TV station al Jazeera reported last week that he had met recently with Binalshibh and Mohammed in or near Karachi. A U.S. official in Pakistan would not comment on any role that U.S. Special Forces, CIA operatives or FBI agents may have played in the arrests of the men. "I cannot comment on U.S. involvement in this," said John Bauman, U.S. Consul General in Karachi. News of Binalshibh's arrest, first reported by ABC News, circulated around the United Nations on Friday, where Pakistani President Musharraf, President Bush and other world leaders were convening.

Appearing at the United Nations on Thursday, Musharraf also appeared to confirm the arrest.

"The president's reaction has been that we have gotten some people in custody and that one of them is a very important person who you (the United States) has been looking for," a Pakistan official said in an interview with the Los Angeles Times.

"It is a near certainty that it is him," the official said, in reference to Binalshibh. "From all indications from all sources, it is quite probable that it is him."

U.S. and Pakistani officials said all that remained was a final, conclusive identification of Binalshibh, who has apparently eluded capture for the past year by using a number of aliases. The Pakistani official said the feared Pakistani intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence unit, or ISI, was responsible for the capture of the Al Qaeda members in the shootout, which lasted four hours. Pakistani commandos traded automatic gunfire with the Al Qaeda suspects, who were holed up in an apartment. The gun battle was so fierce that it spilled out onto adjoining rooftops, and two more suspects were killed and several officers wounded. "The ISI led the operation," said the Pakistan official. "This shows that despite the criticism of them, that they are a full partner in the war on terrorism." The ISI has long been criticized for not investigating Al Qaeda activity in Pakistan, or even protecting members of the terrorist organization.

Binalshibh worked closely with some of the 19 hijackers when they plotted the Sept. 11 attacks from an apartment in Hamburg, Germany.

German authorities have said the planning for a major attack against the United States "in which the maximum number of people could be killed" appears to have started in October 1999. Within six months, the Hamburg group's Al Qaeda sponsors had fixed on the World Trade Center as a fitting target.

Cell members then set off for Afghanistan in two groups for training, with Atta, Binalshibh and other cell members who would later become pilots of the hijacked planes, German authorities said. Other hijackers followed several months later. They used their time in the Afghan training camps to work out details of the attacks with their Al Qaeda hosts, according to the German officials.

German authorities have issued arrest warrants for two other men in addition to Binalshibh, saying the men fled Hamburg just days ahead of the U.S. terrorist strikes, most likely to remote regions of Pakistan.

The United States also has been searching for Binalshibh, particularly after finding a videotape of him that U.S. officials said was discovered in an Al Qaeda leader's house in Afghanistan. On that tape, Binalshibh is seen delivering a martyrdom message.
 


Editorial: No Case for Going In Alone
By Yossi Klein Halevi

President Bush on Thursday went before the world community in his campaign against Iraq. His speech to the U.N. General Assembly included no startling revelations, but it effectively cataloged Saddam Hussein's decade-long defiance of demands that Iraq show it has destroyed its most dangerous weapons. Bush's recital of Hussein's torture of his people, use of gas against Iran and Iraqi Kurds and firing of missiles at Israel, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain was chilling. But he was not persuasive about the urgency to get rid of Hussein now and by any means.

After weeks of Vice President Dick Cheney and Bush aides' beating the war drums, the president's remarks may have represented more a courtesy in response to his critics than a commitment to getting U.N. Security Council approval for military action. Still, the best course remains U.N. inspectors returning to Iraq with the ability to go anywhere at any time in the search for weapons Baghdad promised to give up more than a decade ago.

Bush promised that Washington would work with the U.N. on a new demand to present to Iraq. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell is expected to consult with other Security Council members on a deadline for the readmission of inspectors Iraq has barred since 1998. The sooner that deadline, the better.

The Security Council will have to decide what to do if Iraq continues its defiance, or if it admits inspectors but then hinders their activities. Bush properly challenged the U.N. to show its deliberations are "more than talk" and its resolutions "more than wishes." The president raised the specter of the League of Nations, predecessor of the United Nations, which was impotent when Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931 and Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935. The League was crippled from its start by the refusal of the United States to join.

U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan agreed that the Security Council "must face its responsibilities" if Iraq's defiance continues. But Annan also was blunt in warning Washington against playing the lone cowboy, saying this would undercut the international rule of law and cause upheaval in the Middle East.

Speaking after Annan, Bush kept his options open, declaring that if Security Council resolutions are not enforced, "action will be unavoidable."

Washington's rhetoric has alarmed potential allies. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder has repeatedly warned against war in Iraq. Three of the five permanent members of the Security Council--France, Russia and China--also have distanced themselves from the Bush administration on the issue. They agree that Iraq is dangerous, that it has refused to destroy its stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons and that it has not given up on developing nuclear weapons.

But demanding compliance with U.N. resolutions is different from insisting on a "regime change." There is legitimate concern for the precedent that toppling Hussein would set. Nuclear-armed India already has fought three wars with Pakistan, which now also has nuclear weapons. New Delhi could try to remove a Pakistani government if it sponsored terrorists attacking India. China considers Taiwan a renegade province and could use the island's purchase of U.S. weapons as a pretext for invasion.

As long as the president warns that the United States may need to intervene alone, Congress must hold hearings at which the Bush administration can present its case for action to the American people. Republicans are pushing for a vote on an invasion and removal of Hussein before the November elections, believing they will benefit from any votes by Democrats against military action.

But political point-scoring can't get in the way of answers Americans need. How many U.S. troops would be involved if Washington fails to get U.N. support and goes it alone? How long would soldiers need to occupy Iraq while a new government takes shape? How would all of this affect the war on terror?

Last week's attempted assassination of Afghan President Hamid Karzai and continued battles between warlords in Afghanistan demonstrate how much more needs to be done to rebuild that country. Al Qaeda members are reported to be in 95 countries and have access to money that lets them plot more devastation.

The Iraqi government has earned its pariah status. The United Nations will have to determine how to enforce its 16 resolutions, from 1990 to 1998, demanding that Iraq destroy weapons, free prisoners of war and supply medicine to its people. Setting a deadline to admit weapons inspectors should be easy; that's the first step. The Bush administration should keep working closely with the United Nations; getting its support would lend legitimacy to the argument that military force against Iraq is necessary.
Shoulder to Shoulder


Despite the Dangers to Their Own Nation, Israelis Strongly Support Bush on Iraq


Yossi Klein Halevi is the Israel correspondent for the New Republic. His book, "At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden: A Jew's Search for Hope with Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land."
 


Public responsible for foreign policy
By Constance Hilliard

Until the past week or so, I was deeply disturbed by political rumors that Vice President Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld were angling to rid the Bush administration of Secretary of State Colin Powell, one of the most adept and experienced diplomats of our times. But I've now changed my mind. Maybe it is indeed time for Powell to step down, to put some distance between himself and this White House, which simply may not deserve his singular talents or understand the gifts of perspective and balance he brings to our foreign-policy apparatus.

Powell, who favors international coalition-building and multilateral action, has made new allies for America. He has been the principal voice in this administration arguing against the long-term efficacy of military solutions either to the Palestinian-Israeli crisis or to our own "war on terrorism." Neither Rumsfeld nor Cheney possesses Powell's diplomatic skills or the larger worldview required to win friends among nations whose populations look different and think differently than they do.


Whatever the outcome of this political wrangling at the top, in a democracy it is the American public, not the president's advisers, that bears ultimate responsibility for the conduct of our foreign policy. If I have learned anything of enduring value from the 9/11 tragedy it is that, like it or not, we will almost certainly be held hostage to our foreign-policy failures. Hawkish posturing may entertain a certain political segment of the public. But it will not make the world a more peaceful place or our homeland more secure.

I've been disappointed to see many Americans retreat into mindless, Stars-and-Stripes jingoism rather than explore the foreign-policy issues exploding all around us. To make matters worse, the views the public does have are often measured by simpleton polls. Not surprisingly, for instance, a majority of Americans respond "yes" when asked: "Should Saddam Hussein be removed from office?" The results would be far different were the more realistic question asked: "Would you, as an American citizen, be willing to accept your fair share of the responsibility for the choice of a military over a political solution if war with Iraq led to that nation's disintegration into new rogue states, each with its own terrorist agenda and American civilians as its bull's-eye?"

Constance Hilliard is an associate history professor at the University of North Texas, Denton.
 


U.S. Arrests Al Qaeda Cell In NY

The FBI has arrested what appears to be an active al Qaeda cell inside the United States, reports CBS News Correspondent Jim Stewart in an exclusive report. Agents detained five men in a Buffalo, N.Y. surburb - all graduates of Osama Bin Laden's al Qaeda terrorist camps in Afghanistan.

Authorities are also looking for possibly two other men overseas who were the group's handlers. Another member of the cell has been turned over to the United States by a foreign power.

In a separate arrest across the ocean, Ramzi Binalshibh, a high-profile fugitive al Qaeda member who is believed to have trained with the 9/11 hijackers, was captured in Pakistan nearly a year after he became one of America's top terror targets, U.S. officials said.

The officials, who spoke only on condition of anonymity, said Binalshibh was captured earlier this week in a joint raid by Pakistani forces and U.S. intelligence officers in the southern coastal city of Karachi. The raid ended in a deadly shootout.

Sources tell CBS News the discovery of the New York-based cell -- and a recent spike in their overseas and internal communications -- was largely responsible for President Bush deciding to go to alert Condition Orange earlier this week. It is not known whether the cell had identified a specific target in the United States, or how close they were to acting.

All of the Buffalo suspects are U.S. citizens of Yemini descent. Four were born in the U.S, while the fifth was naturalized. All live within a block of each other in a Buffalo surburb known as Lackawanna. And all attended the same mosque. The cell's ringleader, also a U.S. citizen of Yemini background, is believed to be in Yemen and outside of U.S. reach for the moment.

The five Buffalo suspects will apparently be charged with providing material support and resources to terrorists. This apparently follows a debate within the White House itself over whether to treat the men as criminal defendants, or as nonmilitary combatants with no charges and no access to an attorney.

Sources say the men attended Al Qaeda camps prior to 9/11 and then returned to the United States. There is no indication they had any support role in that attack, or even had fore knowledge it would take place.

One senior government official said one of the men arrested in Buffalo is linked to Omar al-Farouq, a senior al Qaeda figure captured in Asia this summer, who has provided his interrogators specific information suggesting that terror cells in the region were planning attacks on U.S. facilities, the sources said.

A senior government official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Justice Department plans to charge the men with providing material support and resources to terrorists. In a separate development, a suspected organizer of the Sept. 11 attacks was captured in Pakistan, U.S. officials said Friday. U.S. officials say the newly-detained suspect, Binalshibh, belonged to a Hamburg-based cell led by the late Mohammed Atta, an Egyptian suspected of leading the Sept. 11 hijackers.

Binalshibh, 30, was born in Yemen. He was being sought by the German government for his role in the Sept. 11 attacks. The arrest of Binalshibh was a major coup for U.S. authorities who have searched for him for months. Officials said he was not wounded during the capture.

Before Sept. 11, Binalshibh was frustrated in his attempts to receive a visa to enter the United States in 2000, where, U.S. officials allege, he planned to join the other 19 hijackers. Instead, he provided financial support to the other hijackers, officials said.

He is considered an aide to Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, believed to be the mastermind of the Sept. 11 suicide hijackings that left nearly 3,000 dead, officials said. Mohammed is still at large.

To catch him, police commandos fought a pitched battle with al Qaeda suspects holed up in an apartment Wednesday in Karachi, with combat spilling out onto adjoining rooftops, officials said. They said that two suspects were killed and several more captured in the fighting, as Pakistan stepped up pressure on the remnants of the terrorist movement a year after it made its mark on the world.

At least six officers were wounded when police stormed the top-floor apartment and the rooftop where the gunmen held out against hundreds of troops in the street and on the roofs of nearby apartment blocks, they said. Two of the wounded were reported in critical condition.

Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf told CNN in an interview Friday that one Egyptian, one Saudi and eight Yemenis were captured in the raid. U.S. personnel were not hurt in the raid, American officials said. According to the U.S. grand jury indictment of Zacarias Moussaoui, an alleged conspirator in the Sept. 11 attacks, Binalshibh applied four times for a visa to enter the United States from May to October 2000, but was rebuffed each time. After being denied a visa for the third time, Binalshibh allegedly began funneling money to associates inside the United States. He wired money to Moussaoui, to at least two hijackers and to a Florida flight school at which one of the hijackers was training, the indictment said. Authorities believe Binalshibh fled Germany for Pakistan before Sept. 11. German authorities had issued an international arrest warrant for Binalshibh, whose whereabouts until now were unknown.

A correspondent for the pan-Arab satellite station Al-Jazeera claimed to have interviewed Binalshibh and Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, at a secret location in Pakistan. The men admitted being central figures in the Sept. 11 plot, and claimed the U.S. Congress had been another target that day. In Thursday's broadcast, al-Jazeera aired audio excerpts of the interview, in which two male voices attributed to Mohammed and Binalshibh revealed details about the buildup to the Sept. 11 attacks. The voice purported to be Binalshibh's said the hijackers were instructed to take over the planes 15 minutes after takeoff. "That was the best time, and they were very brave," he said.

Two other members of the Hamburg cell, Marwan al-Shehhi and Ziad Jarrah, died in the suicide hijackings. Two additional members of the Hamburg cell did not take part in the hijackings and are still at large.

He also appeared in a videotape, released by the Justice Department several months ago, that was recovered by U.S. forces in Afghanistan at the home of al Qaeda's slain military chief, Mohammed Atef.

 


Sept. 11 Planner Arrested; Suspected Terror Cell Busted in Buffalo

FoxNews


NEW YORK — In a double whammy on the war on terror, U.S. authorities in Pakistan arrested a man suspected to be a major planner of the Sept. 11 attacks and also arrested five members of a suspected terror cell near Buffalo, N.Y.
One member of the homegrown cell was linked to intelligence that also prompted the Justice Department to issue a higher alert earlier this week, officials said.
Officials said Ramzi Binalshibh, suspected to be a major planner of Sept. 11, was arrested in Pakistan earlier this week and was being held in U.S. custody.Binalshibh is one of the so-called "20th hijackers" who tried to take part in the Sept. 11 terror attacks on New York and Washington but had problems acquiring a U.S. visa. He was captured Wednesday in a joint raid by Pakistani forces and U.S. intelligence officers in southern coastal city of Karachi. The raid ended in a deadly shootout.

In a recent interview with the Arabic satellite news network Al-Jazeera, Binalshibh bragged that he had participated in the planning of the Sept. 11 attacks.

Binalshibh's roommate, Mohammed Atta, was one of the hijackers on American Airlines Flight 11, which crashed into the north tower of the World Trade Center. U.S. officials say Binalshibh was also a member of a Hamburg-based cell led by Atta. Before Sept. 11, Binalshibh was frustrated in his attempts to receive a visa to enter the United States in 2000. Instead, U.S. officials allege, he provided financial support to the other 19 hijackers. Separately, officials said five men of Yemeni descent, most believed to American citizens, were arrested in Lackawanna, outside Buffalo, on suspicions they were operating as a terrorist cell on U.S. soil.
 

The officials said the men were on U.S. soil for years and lived just a few blocks from each other, but were discovered through recent investigation and intelligence suggesting they were part of a terrorist cell. The evidence included a recent spike in communications with suspected terrorist locations overseas, and some evidence of attendance at a terror training camp linked to Usama bin Laden, the officials said.

The officials said, however, there was no evidence the men were in any stages of launching a terrorist attack. Officials declined to describe many of the details of the case, saying it was sealed. The arrests will be announced by the Justice Department at a news conference Saturday, a senior government official said, on condition of anonymity. The source said the Justice Department plans to charge the men in the Buffalo area capture with providing material support and resources to terrorists.
U.S. officials said the discovery of the cell was connected to information that also prompted the Bush administration to raise America's terror alert to "code orange" -- the second highest -- on the eve of the Sept. 11 anniversary. One senior government official said one of the men arrested in Buffalo is linked to Omar al-Farouq, a senior Al Qaeda figure captured in Asia this summer, who has provided his interrogators specific information suggesting that terror cells in the region were planning attacks on U.S. facilities, the sources said.

The official did not say how the two were associated. The official said the information provided by Farouq that led to the higher alert does not stop with the five men arrested in Buffalo. "There are other reasons we're at orange," the official said, without elaborating. Binalshibh's capture is a major accomplishment for the United States. Binalshibh, who has alluded authorities for months, was not injured during his arrest.

To catch him, police commandos fought a pitched battle with Al Qaeda suspects holed up in an apartment Wednesday, with combat spilling out onto adjoining rooftops, officials said. They said that two suspects were killed and five captured in the fighting, as Pakistan stepped up pressure on the remnants of the terrorist movement a year after it made its mark on the world.

Six officers were wounded when police stormed the top-floor apartment and the rooftop where the gunmen held out against hundreds of troops in the street and on the roofs of nearby apartment blocks, they said. Two of the wounded were reported in critical condition.

Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf told a news program in an interview Friday that one Egyptian, one Saudi and eight Yemenis were captured in the raid.

U.S. personnel were not hurt in the raid, officials said.

Binalshibh, 30, was born in Yemen. He is being sought by the German government for his role in the Sept. 11 attacks. The Arab satellite network Al-Jazeera ran a taped interview with Binalshibh Thursday, in which he said he helped coordinate the attacks. Also interviewed was Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, whom U.S. counterterrorism officials say masterminded the strikes. He also appeared in a videotape recovered by U.S. forces in Afghanistan at the home of Al Qaeda's slain military chief, Mohammed Atef.

According to the U.S. grand jury indictment of Zacarias Moussaoui, an alleged conspirator in the Sept. 11 attacks, Binalshibh applied four times for a visa to enter the United States from May to October 2000, but was rebuffed each time. After being denied a visa for the third time, Binalshibh allegedly began funneling money to associates inside the United States. He wired money to Moussaoui, to at least two hijackers and to a Florida flight school at which one of the hijackers was training, the indictment said. Authorities believe Binalshibh fled Germany for Pakistan before Sept. 11. German authorities had issued an international arrest warrant for Binalshibh, whose whereabouts until now were unknown.


A correspondent for the pan-Arab satellite station Al-Jazeera claimed to have interviewed Binalshibh and another Sept. 11 fugitive, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, at a secret location in Pakistan. The men admitted being central figures in the Sept. 11 plot, and claimed the U.S. Congress had been another target that day. In Thursday's broadcast, Al-Jazeera aired audio excerpts of the interview, in which two male voices attributed to Mohammed and Binalshibh revealed details about the buildup to the Sept. 11 attacks. The voice purported to be Binalshibh's said the hijackers were instructed to take over the planes 15 minutes after takeoff. "That was the best time, and they were very brave," he said. Two other members of the Hamburg cell, Marwan al-Shehhi and Ziad Jarrah, died in the suicide hijackings. Two other members of the Hamburg cell did not take part in the hijackings and are still at large.

Fox News' Carl Cameron and The Associated Press contributed to this report.
 


Official: Terrorists Met in Amsterdam

By Toby Sterling

AMSTERDAM -- A group of al-Qaida terrorists, including two of the pilots who flew into the World Trade Center, met in Amsterdam in 1999, a German security official said Friday. The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said al-Qaida members met twice in the Netherlands while attending "Islamic seminars."

The meeting in mid-June 1999 was attended by pilots Mohamed Atta and Marwan al-Shehhi, and Ramsi Binalshibh -- the man who this week claimed on Arabic satellite network al-Jazeera to have coordinated the Sept. 11 attacks. Mounir El Motassadeq, the only person under arrest in Germany for direct involvement in the Sept. 11 attacks, was also present.

The Dutch Internal Security Service declined to comment, and Dutch prosecutors investigating other al-Qaida operations in the Netherlands said they were unaware of the meeting. German prosecutors, however, had confirmed that at least one member of the Hamburg al-Qaida cell visited the country. At a news conference Aug. 29, German prosecutor Kay Nehm said El Motassadeq embraced Islamic fundamentalism after visiting the Netherlands. Nehm said the first seminar was held in Eindhoven in early 1999, the second in Amsterdam in mid-1999 -- apparently the same seminar where, according to the source, they met with Binalshibh.

Dutch daily newspaper De Telegraaf reported Friday that the group used a conference on "Muslim Puritanism" held at an unidentified Amsterdam mosque as a cover for their meeting.

A second Dutch paper, the Eindhoven Dagblad, reported Thursday that El Motassadeq also visited Eindhoven in the fall of 1999 and again in 2001. Both papers cited unidentified members of the Internal Security Service. The German source couldn't confirm either paper's report.

Fourteen alleged terrorists have been arrested in the Netherlands since Sept. 11, 2001, and are awaiting trial.

 


Why wars don't stop terrorism

By Dahlia Lithwick
 

I have received mail this week from readers objecting to my recent contention that the United States is not at war. There are two main strands to this debate: Are we at war, and should we be? The first is a matter of law: Can we be at war without a congressional declaration? Is war a subjective status (as in, "hmmm, sure feels like a war out there today") or is it a formal, o