Arafat's Last Hurrah?
By Serge Schmemann
JERUSALEM, Sept. 13 — Nine years ago today, Yasser Arafat stood on the
White House lawn, at the zenith of his long career. It was a moment he
invoked again and again in his speech to the Palestinian parliament on
Monday, how he signed the "peace of the brave with my friend Yitzhak
Rabin."
Monday's speech may have been
his swan song, however. Far from rallying once again behind their leader,
the Palestinian Legislative Council proceeded to denounce his rule — for
corruption, cronyism, lost opportunities, lost dreams, lost lives — until
he gave in to their demands and dumped his entire cabinet. He also set
presidential and parliamentary elections for Jan. 20.
The moment had none of the
elation of the 1993 White House ceremony, and, typical of the
Palestinians' luck, it was largely obscured by the Sept. 11 anniversary
and by the looming danger of an attack against Israel from Iraq that an
American military strike against Baghdad could provoke. Furthermore, after
two years of bloodshed, Israelis and Palestinians are wary of leaping to
optimistic conclusions.
But on both sides, there was a
cautious sense that, just perhaps, a critical corner had been turned. At
the very least, Mr. Arafat had received a clear message from his own
legislators: step aside.
The effective coup followed six
weeks without a suicide bombing inside Israel. While Israeli leaders
attributed this largely to the army's success in intercepting many
would-be bombers, they also all acknowledged that Palestinian public
opinion seemed to be turning increasingly against violence.
It was an assertion made
quietly, accompanied by a knock on wood. But intelligence and army
officers said privately that there was little question that the
unrelenting Israeli incursions to seize or kill militants were undermining
the allure of guns and bombs.
"I think it is too early to say
who is the victor, but without a doubt we should look with great interest
at what is happening today in the Palestinian Authority and see what will
come out of this stew," said Gideon Ezra, deputy minister of internal
security, in what seemed to reflect the reaction of the Israeli
government. "I warn ourselves not to interfere, to watch what is going on
there, to do our job and in the meantime guard the citizens of the state
of Israel."
On the Palestinian side, leaders
avoided declaring any retreat in resisting what they call the Israeli
"occupation," in part from a proud reluctance to give any impression that
they were bowing to Israeli or American pressures. Council members
defiantly declare that they had no intention of "creating a Karzai" — a
reference to the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai — and they insist that
their campaign for reform preceded any outside demands.
But there is also ample evidence
that many Palestinians recognize the enormous damage that suicide bombings
had done to their standing and aspirations — and that growing numbers hold
Mr. Arafat and his lieutenants responsible.
It was noteworthy that Abdel
Razak Yehiyeh, the Palestinian interior minister, who publicly denounced
suicide bombings, had lawmakers' strong support to stay in his post.
Then there was the recent
publication in a newspaper owned by the Palestinian Authority of an
article in which a former Palestinian minister accused Mr. Arafat of
failing to accept a deal at Camp David — a charge hitherto taboo among
Palestinians. The author, Nabil Amr, drew no public criticism for his
comments.
There was also the leak of a
draft declaration by Al Fatah, Mr. Arafat's movement, which declared, "We
reject and will prevent any attacks against Israeli civilians." Fatah
leaders stressed that it was a draft, and did not have the support of the
movement's military wing.
Many council members declared
that their next goal would be to transfer most executive powers to a prime
minister. The name most often cited was Mahmoud Abbas, known as Abu Mazen,
Mr. Arafat's longtime No. 2 and a moderate.
It is too early to judge whether
these signs are a harbinger of change. Everyone understands that a new
Palestinian suicide attack, or another Israeli assassination, or an attack
by Iraq, could instantly change the equation.
With only four months before the
elections, and with Palestinian towns still under siege, there was also no
predicting who would win the voting. The Bush administration had tried to
delay the balloting, fearing that current conditions could restore some of
Mr. Arafat's standing.
"They are having an argument
that has the clear sign of a democratic turning point," said Shimon Peres,
the Israeli foreign minister. "Elections are a door to democracy. They are
not democracy."
For now, what is clear is that
the Palestinians have had enough of the clique Mr. Arafat brought back
with him from exile. Many of his most vocal critics are Fatah members who
had not been with him abroad and who have been riled by the corruption and
autocratic style of the returning leaders.
The council members' stated
intentions included ousting some of the prominent old guard figures.
But a stiff power struggle lies
ahead. Until his arrest by Israel in April, Marwan Barghouti, 43, the
Fatah leader in the West Bank, had been regarded as the most prominent of
the younger generation. During the council session, several Fatah members
in their 40's, including Ahmad al-Diek, Husam Khader and Kadoura Fares,
seemed to be actively campaigning.
Muhammad Dahlan, 42, Mr.
Arafat's security adviser and a former Gaza security chief who is
respected by Israelis and Americans, was on everybody's short list as a
serious contender.
The signs of movement among
Palestinians also nudged Israeli politicians to suggest that their
government might also start looking for a new approach. "After two years
of a violent clash with Palestinian terror, I think we can say with the
utmost caution that there is a ray of light at the end of the tunnel,"
said Defense Minister Benjamin Ben Eliezer, the leader of the Labor Party.
The government, he continued,
should not put all its faith in military superiority, but should "launch
an Arafat-bypassing political initiative that will promote a new order
both within the Palestinian establishment and its approach toward Israel."
Suspected Planner of Attacks is Apprehended in
Pakistan
By Susan Schmidt and Dan Eggen
Washington Post Staff Writers
Ramzi Binalshibh, who allegedly helped plan and coordinate the Sept. 11
attacks on New York and the Pentagon, has been captured and is in U.S.
custody after surviving a fierce firefight in Karachi with Pakistani
police on the anniversary of the terror strikes, intelligence and law
enforcement sources said yesterday.
The arrest marks the end of a
yearlong manhunt for a suspect believed to be one of the few living
conspirators in the Sept. 11 plot. It signifies an important victory in
the difficult campaign to apprehend key operatives in Osama bin Laden's al
Qaeda terrorist network.
Even as Americans commemorated
the anniversary of the attacks, Binalshibh was arrested by Pakistani
police on Wednesday with as many as 10 other suspects, after a three-hour
gun-and-grenade battle in which two gunmen. were killed. He is being
transferred to a U.S. airbase in Afghanistan, sources said.
Details of the arrest were
unclear last night, but one intelligence source said that CIA paramilitary
units "were nearby" when the raid was carried out.
Charged in Germany with more
than 3,000 counts of murder for his complicity in the attacks, Binalshibh
had hoped to be the 20th hijacker in the plot but was repeatedly rebuffed
in attempts to secure a U.S. visa, officials have said. His name has also
surfaced in investigations of several other terrorist attacks, including
the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole in Yemen and a bombing earlier this year
of a synagogue in Tunisia.
The Yemeni national roomed with
hijacking ringleader Mohamed Atta in Hamburg, and provided crucial
financial and logistical support to Atta and other members of the cell who
carried out the operation, according to intelligence officials. The U.S.
indictment against another alleged Sept. 11 conspirator, Zacarias
Moussaoui, names Binalshibh as an "unindicted co-conspirator," and accused
him of wiring money to Moussaoui and at least one of the hijackers, Marwan
Al-Shehhi.
In a previously audiotaped
interview with the Qatar-based al-Jazeera television station broadcast
Thursday, Binalshibh boasted of his role in helping to organize the Sept.
11 plot and called the attacks "real acts of heroism" that succeeded in
part because "the enemy is stupid." Al-Jazeera said it conducted the
interview with Binalshibh and Khalid Sheik Mohammed, believed to be a top
coordinator of the Sept. 11 attack, in a secret location in Karachi.
"He is a very big fish to
catch," said Vincent Cannistraro, a former CIA counterterrorism official.
"He certainly was the coordinator with Khalid of the 9/11 operation
itself, and he might know some of the people who may still be in the
United States if we can get him to talk."
U.S. sources said Mohammed, one
of the FBI's "Most Wanted Terrorists," was not captured as part of the
Karachi raid. Only one other suspected terrorist known to be in U.S.
custody, al Qaeda lieutenant Abu Zubaida, surpasses Binalshibh in
importance, several officials and observers said.
In a separate development, a
federal official last night that authorities have issued arrest warrants
in Buffalo, N.Y., for five men who are believed to have gone through al
Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan. At least some of the men were in
custody, the official said.
The men were described as
naturalized American citizens, and some or all are of Yemeni descent. They
have been living in Lackawanna, a suburb of Buffalo.
In Wednesday's raid on a
low-rise apartment building in Karachi, which began about 9 a.m. local
time, two suspects were killed and one police officer was seriously
wounded. Suspects hurled grenades and fired assault rifles at police for
three hours.
Police seized a satellite phone, a laptop computer, firearms, grenades and
other items from the building, according to local press reports.
As President Pervez Musharraf
has heightened efforts to crack down on militants, Pakistani security
forces have engaged in more frequent gun battles with suspected terrorist
operatives.
Harvey Kushner, a terrorism
expert at Long Island University, said the case "shows that there is
significant cooperation with intelligence agencies around the world." But
he said he would not expect the arrest to affect the second-generation al
Qaeda network, which has dispersed to a number of countries. Officials now
fear that lower-level and largely independent operatives are planning
attacks on their own.
The terror operatives are "much
more spread out now," Kushner said.
In the al-Jazeera interview, Binalshibh and Mohammed said planning
for the Sept. 11 attacks began in 1999.
Binalshibh has been identified by some Western intelligence and law
enforcement officials as having attended a terrorist meeting in January
2000 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in which both the Cole attack and the
Sept. 11 plot are believed to have been discussed. However, disagreement
persists among intelligence analysts over whether a surveilance photograph
identifies him as attendance.
Binalshibh grew up in the eastern Yemeni province of Hadramaut, considered
a hotbed of Islamic radicalism. He first entered Hamburg in 1995 with a
phony plea for asylum.
Staff writers Walter Pincus and Dana Priest contributed to this
report.
A Man in the Middle of Sept. 11 Ramzi Said to have Attended Key Meetings
Before Attacks
By Peter Finn
BERLIN, Sept. 13 -- Ramzi Binalshibh, the former roommate and
trusted assistant of Sept. 11 ringleader Mohamed Atta, was present at
every major event in the evolution of the plot, investigators believe,
from the recruitment of a group of young Arab students in Hamburg,
Germany, to the final planning meeting in Spain just weeks before the
attacks.
His capture in Pakistan and
subsequent handover to U.S. officials takes investigators to the core of
the conspiracy by the al Qaeda terrorist network and offers the
possibility of solving many of the outstanding mysteries about how Sept.
11 was planned and executed.
It remains unclear if the
capture of the 30-year-old Binalshibh was related to his decision to grant
an interview to the Arabic-language al-Jazeera TV network, apparently from
a hiding place in Pakistan. In the program, broadcast this week,
Binalshibh described himself as the "coordinator" of the attacks.
"Regarding your question about the issue of coordination," he told the
al-Jazeera interviewer, "in brief, it's the issue of connecting the cells
to each other, forming a link between these cells and the general command
in Afghanistan and determining the priorities and following up on the work
of these cells until the conclusion of its work."
His statements to the network,
including the claim that he has written a 112-page justification for Sept.
11, may provide additional evidence for U.S. authorities to indict him, a
U.S. official said.
Binalshibh has been named by U.S. prosecutors as an unindicted
co-conspirator in the trial of Zacarias Moussaoui, the French Moroccan who
investigators say took Binalshibh's place among the hijackers after
Binalshibh was turned down for a visa to travel to the United States.
An international arrest warrant
under which he was being sought was issued, last year, by German
authorities, based on his activities in Germany, where he stands with more
3,000 counts of murder for his role in the attacks. U.S. authorities,
however, are unlikely to hand him over to the Germans.
Once in German custody, the
United States would have great difficulty in extraditing him to face
trial, if there was a threat of capital punishment, as is likely in cases
relating to Sept. 11. The Germans have refused to hand over evidence for
the trial of Moussaoui unless they receive guarantees that it will not be
used secure a capital conviction.
So a U.S. indictment of
Binalshibh, or a military trial, is now likely.
Binalshibh was born in Yemen, in the province of Hadramaut, home to many
Islamic radicals. In 1995, he stepped off a ship in Hamburg and asked for
political asylum, claiming to be a refugee from Sudan who had been jailed
following a student demonstration in the capital, Khartoum.
His story wasn't believed, but
by the time he was formally turned down by asylum officials and ordered
deported, in December 1997, he had obtained residency and a student visa,
allowing him to stay. He entered a German language program to prepare for
college studies, but dropped out, leaving many teachers and students with
the impression that he was neither smart nor dedicated.
But in Hamburg he met Atta, who
was both. In 1998, Binalshibh moved into an apartment with Atta and
another student, Said Bahaji, who also is being sought on a German arrest
warrant.
Binalshibh had wanted to take part in the attacks, investigators believe,
but he failed four times to get a U.S. visa. "It was only by luck, really,
he wasn't given a visa," said one U.S. official. "Otherwise, he'd have
been on one of those planes that went down."
Investigators say they have concluded that planning for the Sept. 11
attacks was punctuated by two critical meetings, one in Malaysia in
January 2000 and one in Spain in July 2001. Binalshibh is the only person
known to be alive who attended both meetings, making him a key potential
source of answers to the enduring questions about the plot. These include
who initiated it, how the hijackers and flights were selected, and who
coordinated the hijackers with Afghanistan and in the United States,
Western intelligence officials said.
Binalshibh also was a conduit for money sent to the Sept. 11 pilots in the
United States as well as Moussaoui, whose exact role remains the subject
of debate.
Editorial: Never Mind, Mr. Sharon
MOST OF THREE months has passed since President Bush laid out his vision
for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and still there has been
next to no follow-up by his administration. No Cabinet-level officials
have visited the region since the president's speech; despite pleas from
the Arab leaders Mr. Bush asked for support, no details have been offered
on how to move from the present situation to Mr. Bush's vision of
side-by-side Israeli and Palestinian states. On the contrary: Despite Mr.
Bush's announcement of an international effort to reconstruct Palestinian
security forces, the CIA has taken only token steps to train new officers;
despite the president's clarion call for Palestinian democracy, the
administration has quietly joined Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in
opposing the holding of Palestinian national elections anytime in the near
future. In effect, what the president cast on June 24 as a major
initiative for Middle East peace has all but vanished; in its place is a
suddenly all-consuming campaign against Iraq that could soon lead to a new
Middle East war. Vice President Cheney, among others, is arguing that
overturning the regime of Saddam Hussein will make an Israeli-Palestinian
settlement easier; but even if that is true, what is not clear is how a
conflict that has cost more than 2,000 lives in the past two years, and is
a primary source of Muslim grievance against the United States, can be
contained between now and then.
In the now familiar absence of
Bush administration engagement, halting progress has been made by the
parties on the ground. There have been no major Palestinian suicide
attacks against Israelis in six weeks, despite several attempts; both the
Israeli army and the Palestinian administration claim credit, and both
probably had something to do with it. Attempts by Palestinian political
and military leaders to change the direction of their self-destructive
uprising against Israel, and to force Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat to
yield most of his power, continue in spite of Mr. Arafat's strong
resistance; this week the legislative body of the Palestinian Authority
delivered an unprecedented rebuff, forcing the resignation of Mr. Arafat's
cabinet. The more moderate Labor Party ministers in Mr. Sharon's cabinet
have been trying to negotiate incremental security agreements with the
Palestinians, and there are signs of revival in the long-moribund Israeli
peace camp.
But Israeli troops occupy six
major West Bank towns and significant parts of the Gaza Strip, imposing
curfews and other restrictions on movement that aid agencies say are
breeding a mounting humanitarian crisis. Israeli forces killed more than a
dozen innocent Palestinian civilians in the past two weeks, including
several children; a hasty official investigation cleared the soldiers of
any wrongdoing. Israeli settlement-building in the territories continues;
Mr. Sharon refuses to rein it in, just as he rejects any discussion of
Palestinian statehood or any negotiations -- even with a post-Arafat
leadership -- about a permanent peace. For his part, Mr. Bush clearly
remains unwilling to do or say anything that would cross Mr. Sharon. That
reluctance largely explains his administration's failure to act on his
broad promises of last June; in the coming months, it could also prove a
serious impediment to building a coalition against Iraq.
Russia Still Opposed to Iraq Attack
Putin Hints at Cooperation in Return for Free Hand in
Georgia
By Peter Baker
MOSCOW, Sept. 13 -- Russia refused to budge today in its
opposition to an attack against Iraq, arguing that President Bush has yet
to exhaust all options for a political solution even as it insisted on the
right to attack a neighbor accused of sheltering terrorists.
With its veto power, Russia
emerged as perhaps the key country on the U.N. Security Council as the
Bush administration sought to persuade the international body to issue a
new ultimatum to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. But Russia's threat to
launch a strike against Chechen rebel camps across the border in Georgia
presented an unexpected challenge for the Bush team.
Both sides disavowed any linkage
between the two issues. But Russian President Vladimir Putin effectively
injected the issue of Georgia by warning of unilateral action against the
former Soviet republic this week at the same time Bush was soliciting
allies against Iraq.
Russian politicians and analysts
were discussing a possible Georgia-for-Iraq deal -- Russia would not block
Bush's plan to topple Hussein if the Americans step aside in Georgia.
"If the U.S. thinks it is
possible to conduct military actions against a state because there is
suspicion that it is making weapons of mass destruction, likewise Russia
as a member of the anti-terrorist coalition can bomb Georgia because there
are terrorists on Georgian territory," said Irina Khakamada, a deputy
speaker of the State Duma, the lower house of parliament.
A visiting U.S. diplomat
rejected the notion of a direct tradeoff. "I don't see that there really
are any quid pro quos to be had, whether with Russia or others," said
Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton, who was here consulting with
Russian leaders about Iraq and other issues. "I think our case is
extremely strong and stands on its own merits."
Yet a senior U.S. official, who
asked not to be identified, said Washington was open to hearing Russia's
arguments for action against Georgia and suggested that the two countries
might find "common interest" on the need for preemptive strikes against
terrorists.
As one of five permanent
Security Council members, Russia could single-handedly block any
resolution threatening force. Britain supports the United States, France
has moved closer to Bush's position and U.S. diplomats say they believe
they can persuade China to at least abstain if Russia sides with the
United States.
Russia has long complained that
Georgia harbors Chechen guerrillas in the Pankisi Gorge. Seizing on the
anniversary of the Sept. 11 attacks this week, Putin employed Bush's own
logic in announcing that he would authorize military action against
Georgia if the tiny, mountainous country does not rid its territory of
people he has characterized as terrorists.
"He's assuming very cleverly the
same framework that Bush is," said Fiona Hill, a Brookings Institution
scholar who studies the region. "It's a typical and very clever step for
Putin to step into the international spotlight to remind everyone of
Russia's own interest. It's basically turning the Bush administration's
words back on itself."
Many Russian newspapers
speculated today on a potential trade-off. "The 'deal' between Bush and
Putin -- who traded Saddam Hussein for [Georgian President] Eduard
Shevardnadze -- is the talk of the day in the Russian political
establishment," said the Vremya Novostei newspaper. The paper quoted
ultranationalist parliamentary leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky, a Hussein
supporter, as saying: "Russia will condemn the operation against Iraq but
will not take any preventive measures. In return, America will wink at
Russia's operation in Georgia."
The State Department took
"strong exception" on Thursday to any threats by Russia against Georgia
and said the United States would "oppose any unilateral military action"
there.
Tedo Japaridze, the Georgian
national security adviser, said he has spoken with Deputy Secretary of
State Richard L. Armitage and was confident that Georgia is "the red line
that President Putin and his people cannot trespass. Washington will stand
strong next to Georgia." In a telephone interview from Tbilisi, the
Georgian capital, Japaridze said he had detected no buildup of Russian
forces near the border.
Georgian troops engaged in a
firefight in the gorge Thursday night and arrested three men, he said, one
of whom was wounded in the exchange. Georgia has now captured a total of
15 men in Pankisi, mostly local residents described as criminals. Only one
was an Arab suspected of links to international terrorist organizations.
Correspondent Susan B. Glasser contributed to this report.
Bush's Worst-Case Scenario
By William Raspberry
President Bush, playing prosecutor before the "court" of the
United Nations, did a splendid job of proving the defendant a murderous,
lying and unremorseful slimeball. But he made no headway in proving what
badly needs proving: that the slimeball did the particular crime with
which he is now charged -- and for which the prosecutor is demanding the
death penalty.
The Bush administration has been
at great pains to make the case that Saddam Hussein is such a threat to
the security of the United States as to warrant a unilateral U.S. assault
with the implied intention of killing him.
But the evidence presented this
week consisted almost entirely of the Iraqi dictator's offenses against
his own citizens, his neighbors and the United Nations. In addition to the
oft-repeated (and, so far as I know, uncontested) allegations that Hussein
used chemical weapons against Iran and against Iraq's Kurds, Bush made a
detailed case that Hussein repeatedly defied, ignored, violated and
otherwise disrespected U.N. resolutions and directives -- a "decade of
deception and defiance," he called it.
But surely the United Nations
knew that already -- and knows that it has the power to invoke military
means to enforce its directives. It may be a shame that it has not done
so, and the Bush speech may be useful in that regard.
What the speech did not offer,
though, is any evidence that Hussein is amassing weapons of mass
destruction for use against the United States. That, as far as I can
understand it, is the charge on which the American-executed death penalty
would be based. Without that evidence, the rationale seems to go something
like this: Saddam Hussein has "dissed" the United Nations and menaced his
neighbors, and if the United Nations is too chicken to do anything about
it, then America will.
But surely the administration's
warmongering hasn't been on behalf of the United Nations (although Bush
did take the occasion of his speech to announce America's return to the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, which it
left in 1984). No, we have been led to believe that Hussein is such an
imminent threat to us that we dare not wait much longer to take him out.
And always the explanation is made in the context of terrorism --
suggesting, though not quite saying, that Iraq is behind the savagery we
now know as 9/11. If it were true -- and neither Bush nor anyone else has
offered the slimmest reed of evidence that it is -- then I wouldn't be
cautioning against an all-out attack on Hussein. Nations, after all, have
a duty to protect themselves.
But the best Bush could do the
other day was to note that an unchecked Saddam Hussein could destabilize
the region, which would be bad for us; that Iraq could be stockpiling
weapons of mass destruction -- perhaps even getting nearer to producing
atomic weapons; and that Iraqis were suspected in a 1993 attempt to
"assassinate the emir of Kuwait and a former American president" -- the
current president's father.
The Clinton administration
responded to that attempt, which took place during a visit by the senior
Bush to Kuwait, by firing 23 Tomahawk missiles at the headquarters of
Iraqi intelligence.
What else is there? According to
our president, this: "Iraq's government openly praised the attacks of
September 11. And al Qaeda terrorists escaped from Afghanistan are known
to be in Iraq."
By my lights, the prosecutor's
failure to make a convincing case is complete. The case fails
diplomatically, because unilateral action of the sort envisioned would
weaken the relevant international institutions and complicate our role in
the world. It fails militarily -- not because we couldn't stomp Hussein's
pitiful army but because we don't seem to have thought through the
consequences of "victory," including the likelihood that it wouldn't stop
terrorism and that we would be stuck with running Iraq for years to come.
And it fails morally. War is
sometimes necessary. But it needs a firmer basis than that the slimeball
was happy about 9/11 and I'm still sore about Poppy.
What Time Is It? There just isn't time for all the things it's time for
By Michael Kinsley
"It's time to put sentiment aside," announced New York Times
columnist Nicholas Kristof one day last month. And who can disagree?
Kristof's particular sermon was not about 9/11 or about invading Iraq but
about whales, and his view may not be widely shared. (Go ahead and kill a
few, he feels.) But on the larger point Kristof speaks for all of us in
the business of manufacturing opinions. On all subjects, it is time to put
sentiment aside.
You may be thinking that it
would have been nice to be alerted back when opinion-makers thought it was
okay to wallow in sentiment, so that you could enjoy this opportunity
before the time came to put sentiment aside. But there was no such
opportunity. Sentiment belongs in a special category, along with partisan
differences, of things that exist primarily to be put aside. When
sentiment and partisan differences are put aside, there is room for
goodwill, reason, common sense and maybe even a small refrigerator where
cooler heads can prevail.
A check of articles in just four
major newspapers during the three weeks or so since Kristoff's declaration
indicates that it is time for literally hundreds of different things, in
the view of those who write for or are quoted in the news media. A few of
these matters do seem time-sensitive. This may actually be an especially
good moment to consider leaving a corporate board of directors or to
discuss with a child what he or she is willing to eat for lunch at school.
But most of the things it is said to be time for are more like democracy
in Pakistan or reviving urban rivers: It is time for them only in the
sense that it is never not time for them.
The dean of Stanford Law School,
for example, says "it is time" for America "to hold true to its
principles." Was there a time, in her view, when America should not have
held true to its principles? By contrast not everyone will agree with the
letter writer to the Wall Street Journal who says, "It is time to bring
the hierarchy in Rome to its knees to beg forgiveness from the rest of the
world for its crimes against humanity." But our view on this subject is
unlikely to turn on what time it is.
It may be logically pointless to
insist that it's time for something you never think it's not time for, but
the "time for" conceit serves various rhetorical purposes. It suggests
that you are open-minded and deliberative. You are not saying that your
opinion is always and obviously correct. You are saying that you have
considered the various options and only now have reached your conclusion,
which itself is only tentative and applicable at this point in time.
"It is time to concede that
politicians will never understand" the world's major conflicts, writes a
Times culture critic, who evidently thinks he does understand them. This
might seem arrogant, but "it is time" suggests that he decided only lately
and reluctantly that his view of geopolitics is superior to that of the
politicians. That word "concede" is an especially elegant touch, though
one may wonder who forced him to concede the superiority of his own
opinion. "It is time" gives you the credibility of a convert. You are not
one of those folks who have always believed unquestioningly that Jews and
Christians should "bury old suspicions and fears." Until now, you did not
think that Americans should "practice what we preach" -- or at least you
did not feel strongly about it. But now, "it is time." Your opinion on
this subject is fresh and strong.
Third, it creates a sense of
urgency. Not merely do you hold a particular opinion but this is the very
moment when your view of things ought to prevail. Yesterday would have
been too soon and tomorrow may be too late. A strong sense of urgency can
even help to disguise a certain flabbiness in the opinion itself.
According to a Washington Post op-ed piece, "now is the time to create a
Commission on Privacy, Personal Liberty and Homeland Security." A
commission to study the matter is just about the lamest thing you can call
for on any subject. But at least "it is time" gives an illusion of
vitality.
But where will we find the time
for all the things it is time for? Fear not. In recent weeks' newspapers,
the list of things it is not or no longer time for is almost as long.
German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder says the time for "checkbook
diplomacy" is over. Dear Abby says this is no time for feuding -- though
she also says it is time to face reality, which for most of us will eat up
more time than we save by eschewing feuds. A Los Angeles Times economic
correspondent says it is time for Americans to "drop their infatuation
with unfettered markets," while a half-dozen others add that it is not the
time to raise taxes on business. As if, in their view, it ever could be
that time.
With any luck, the time you
spend doing the things it is time to start doing and the time you save by
not doing things it is time to stop doing ought to be roughly equal. So
please continue to do everything the media tell you to do.
Christian Science Monitor.
Backing on Iraq? Let's Make a Deal
By Paul Richter and Greg Miller
WASHINGTON --
After struggling for months to talk other nations into helping oust Saddam
Hussein, President Bush is beginning to use terms they might find easier
to understand: cash, weapons, business deals and favors.
Bush's speech
Thursday at the United Nations marked the start of intense
behind-the-scenes negotiations to see what inducements will help convert
countries that so far have been balking, at least publicly, at joining the
anti-Hussein campaign.
U.S. officials
expect the Turks to ask for weapons and debt relief, the Russians and
French for access to Iraqi oilfield business, the Qataris for cash to
build an air base, and the Jordanians for guarantees of oil and trade.
Officials expect many other countries to join the horse
trading, and
predict that they won't be shy.
"Countries in the Middle East
take the bazaari approach," said Danielle Pletka, a former Senate aide who
now works at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research.
"Once they know we want to buy ... the sky's the limit."
Said a senior congressional
aide, "This is a great time to step forward and get something you want
from the United States."
The administration's initial
focus will be on members of the United Nations Security Council, notably
Russia, France and China, officials say. Their backing will be important
soon, as the United States tries to persuade the council to enforce
resolutions demanding that Iraq abandon its chemical, biological and
nuclear weapons programs.
But U.S. officials will also try
to persuade many other countries in the Middle East and farther afield to
cooperate with a military campaign, or at least to temper their
opposition.
The Pentagon still needs to win
commitments from countries near Iraq for use of military bases and
overflight rights.
The effort mirrors U.S.
coalition-building before the 1991 Persian Gulf War, and before the U.S.
assault last fall on the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Yet this job
promises to be considerably tougher, because many nations are skeptical of
the need for war, and the United States doesn't have access to the
billions of dollars that Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and others contributed to
the 1991 Persian Gulf War campaign.
"The horse
trading will be much
more difficult this time," predicted Edward S. Walker Jr., a former
assistant secretary of State for the Middle East who is now president of
the Middle East Institute.
"Part of what you've been seeing
is people making a public display of opposition that will increase the
price," he said.
Most countries resent any
suggestion that their support can be bought. These countries insist that
such deals are needed simply to reduce the economic costs and political
risks of cooperation.
Turkish officials were furious
last winter when former Clinton political guru Dick Morris declared on
American TV that the U.S. had bought their nation's military cooperation
over time by pressing for a generous International Monetary Fund
loan program.
"They were outraged," said
Bulent Aliriza, a Turkish expert and former specialist at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington. "It's precisely the
wrong image."
Turkey's strategic location and
frequent cooperation have made it America's most important military
partner in the region. The Turks contend that their participation this
time would add a huge burden at a time when their country is trying to
cope with crushing economic problems. They are also deeply worried that
war with Iraq might lead to an independent Kurdish state that would
threaten their own eastern territory.
Accordingly, they have a long
wish list, including advanced weapons, relief on their $5-billion debt to
the U.S. for weapons purchases, and help from the United States in
ensuring that Turkey continues to receive IMF credits, U.S. officials say.
Some Turkish officials have also pressed the United States to ensure that
any military campaign doesn't take place in the summer, when it could
damage the country's tourist industry.
Turkish officials argue that
their country has lost more than $40 billion in revenue by cooperating
with the United States during the Persian Gulf War and the sanctions
against Iraq since.
Turkey stepped in under U.S.
pressure this year to lead the international peacekeeping force in
Afghanistan. Congress recently appropriated $228 million to cover Turkey's
costs there.
Russia has made little secret of
the importance that economics will have in winning its cooperation.
Moscow has told
U.S. officials that it wants any new Baghdad government to honor Iraq's
approximately $8-billion debt to Russia. The Russians also want assurances
that any successor government will allow Russian companies to keep their
large share of the Iraqi oil business, and to get a piece of the business
that develops in the new Iraq.
Although State Department
officials insist that the U.S. government has made no commitments,
Alexander Vershbow, the U.S. ambassador to Russia, told reporters this
week that Moscow's investments in Iraq would be "better protected under
new leadership."
Russia has yet to receive "a
single kopek" of the billions in debt, he noted.
Another demand may be
Washington's silence on Russia's planned $1-billion nuclear power plant
for Iran. After years of complaining that the project posed a nuclear
proliferation threat, the White House has recently lowered the volume.
Russia's arrangement with the
United States could involve an important non-financial issue: Washington
might have signaled that it will give the Kremlin a free hand against
Chechen separatists, including those taking refuge in U.S.-allied Georgia.
Publicly, however, the State Department told wire services that the U.S.
would oppose unilateral Russian military action inside Georgia.
President Vladimir V. Putin
seemed to be preparing fellow Russians for a reversal of the Kremlin's
rejection of military action against Iraq when he proclaimed that Russia
had the right to attack Chechen bases in Georgia to do its part in the war
against terrorism.
In France, an official denied
that President Jacques Chirac's government would seek any financial deal
as part of an agreement to join the United States.
"Our focus on Iraq is about
disarmament, not about access to oilfields if there's a new government,"
the official said. Yet a U.S. official noted that the French complained
often that after the Gulf War, French companies were not included in the
rebuilding of the Kuwaiti oilfields, as they had been promised. He said
American officials expect to hear from France on this issue before long.
"We're still in the process of
establishing positions, before the French get to their dollar value," the
U.S. official said.
It is not clear whether China
will ask the United States to protect its small but growing business stake
in Iraq, or provide other help. China is not expected to directly support
a U.S. campaign; the question is how vocal and obstructive the Communist
nation might be.
In exchange for not loudly
opposing U.S. action in Iraq, Beijing will probably press for satisfaction
on its biggest diplomatic concern: Taiwan. The issue will almost certainly
come up during President Jiang Zemin's visit with Bush in Texas next
month. China has been displeased with what it sees as a tilt toward Taiwan
by the Bush administration.
Meanwhile, some foreign
diplomats and experts see Iraq as the real reason the U.S. two weeks ago
unexpectedly backed Beijing in its efforts against a separatist group in
northwestern China, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. After resisting
such action, the United States added the organization to its list of
terrorist groups and backed China in adding the group to the U.N.'s
terrorist list.
In the Middle East, Jordan, with
a large population of Palestinians and a border with Iraq, is not expected
to play a visible role in any attack on the Iraqi president. But the
United States is eager to ensure Jordan's long-term stability, and it
would probably take steps to ensure a continued supply of oil and other
goods that the Jordanians now receive from Iraq.
The Egyptians, recipients of
huge U.S. aid, would likely receive some additional assistance, even if
they are not active participants in an attack. Syria
may use the
opportunity to press the United States for an important non-economic
goal—return of the Golan Heights from Israel, a U.S. official said.
Sen. Richard G. Lugar of
Indiana, the ranking Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
said he was aware of pressure from countries such as Russia and France,
and urged the White House to consider such requests.
"My own hope is that we would
look at this," Lugar said. "That's the way the coalition is going to be
built."
Staff writers Carol J. Williams in Moscow, Henry Chu in Beijing, David
Holley and Maria De Cristofaro in Rome, and special correspondent Amberin
Zaman in Ankara, Turkey, contributed to this report.
Key Al Qaeda Suspect Seized in Pakistan
By Josh Meyer and Bob Drogin
WASHINGTON -- In a major coup in the war on terrorism, U.S. and Pakistani
officials said Friday that authorities had captured Ramzi Binalshibh, a
suspected organizer of the Sept. 11 attacks who may also have been
planning to be the 20th hijacker.
U.S. officials confirmed that Pakistan had identified Binalshibh as one of
at least eight Al Qaeda operatives captured by Pakistani authorities
during a prolonged shootout in the bustling port city of Karachi on
Wednesday.
Binalshibh's arrest ended one of the most intensive manhunts in U.S.
history, and came amid criticism that the U.S.-led war on terrorism has
been largely unsuccessful because so many leaders of Al Qaeda remain
fugitives.
"This is a significant blow to Al Qaeda," said one U.S. official.
The FBI and Justice Department had no comment on Binalshibh. In a separate
development, authorities said five men of Yemeni descent, at least some of
them American citizens, were arrested near Buffalo, New York, on suspicion
of being involved in terrorist activity. The officials said more details
of the case would be provided Saturday.
In Binalshibh's case, Pakistani officials said they captured eight Al
Qaeda operatives-- six of Yemeni origin, as well as an Egyptian and a
Saudi, and that one of them was "very senior" member of the terrorist
organization who had been the subject of an intensive international
manhunt.
Several U.S. officials confirmed that the senior operative was Binalshibh,
30, a former roommate of hijack plot ringleader Mohamed Atta. Authorities
believe Binalshibh played a central role in the terror plot. U.S. and
Pakistani officials would not comment on where Binalshibh was being held.
U.S. officials say that besides being in on the beginning of the Sept. 11
plot, Binalshibh tried at least four times to gain entry into the United
States, but was denied a visa each time. They believe Binalshibh intended
to be the fifth hijacker on one of the four planes, and that he later
tried to help get Zacarias Moussaoui onto the plane in his place by wiring
him money and providing other logistical help.
Binalshibh also wired money to several of the hijackers in the United
States and to a Florida flight school at which one of the hijackers was
training, according to the indictment of Moussaoui. German officials
issued a warrant for Binalshibh's arrest less than two weeks after the
Sept. 11 attacks, and authorities have been hunting for him ever since.
Moussaoui, the only surviving suspect in the plot to be charged in U.S.
courts, is set to stand trial in the United States early next year.
U.S. officials spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing the
extraordinary sensitivity of taking a top Al Qaeda operative into custody
in Pakistan, particularly in Karachi where anti-American fervor is strong.
They also said Pakistani and U.S. officials had tried to keep the arrest
confidential in order not to tip off more Al Qaeda operatives believed to
be hiding out in the Karachi area.
Chief among them may be Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, a shadowy figure who is
thought to have come up with the idea of the Sept. 11 plot. A journalist
for the Arab satellite TV station al Jazeera reported last week that he
had met recently with Binalshibh and Mohammed in or near Karachi. A U.S.
official in Pakistan would not comment on any role that U.S. Special
Forces, CIA operatives or FBI agents may have played in the arrests of the
men. "I cannot comment on U.S. involvement in this," said John Bauman,
U.S. Consul General in Karachi. News of Binalshibh's arrest, first
reported by ABC News, circulated around the United Nations on Friday,
where Pakistani President Musharraf, President Bush and other world
leaders were convening.
Appearing at the United Nations on Thursday, Musharraf also appeared to
confirm the arrest.
"The president's reaction has been that we have gotten some people in
custody and that one of them is a very important person who you (the
United States) has been looking for," a Pakistan official said in an
interview with the Los Angeles Times.
"It is a near certainty that it is him," the official said, in reference
to Binalshibh. "From all indications from all sources, it is quite
probable that it is him."
U.S. and Pakistani officials said all that remained was a final,
conclusive identification of Binalshibh, who has apparently eluded capture
for the past year by using a number of aliases. The Pakistani official
said the feared Pakistani intelligence agency, the Inter-Services
Intelligence unit, or ISI, was responsible for the capture of the Al Qaeda
members in the shootout, which lasted four hours. Pakistani commandos
traded automatic gunfire with the Al Qaeda suspects, who were holed up in
an apartment. The gun battle was so fierce that it spilled out onto
adjoining rooftops, and two more suspects were killed and several officers
wounded. "The ISI led the operation," said the Pakistan official. "This
shows that despite the criticism of them, that they are a full partner in
the war on terrorism." The ISI has long been criticized for not
investigating Al Qaeda activity in Pakistan, or even protecting members of
the terrorist organization.
Binalshibh worked closely with some of the 19 hijackers when they plotted
the Sept. 11 attacks from an apartment in Hamburg, Germany.
German authorities have said the planning for a major attack against the
United States "in which the maximum number of people could be killed"
appears to have started in October 1999. Within six months, the Hamburg
group's Al Qaeda sponsors had fixed on the World Trade Center as a fitting
target.
Cell members then set off for Afghanistan in two groups for training, with
Atta, Binalshibh and other cell members who would later become pilots of
the hijacked planes, German authorities said. Other hijackers followed
several months later. They used their time in the Afghan training camps to
work out details of the attacks with their Al Qaeda hosts, according to
the German officials.
German authorities have issued arrest warrants for two other men in
addition to Binalshibh, saying the men fled Hamburg just days ahead of the
U.S. terrorist strikes, most likely to remote regions of Pakistan.
The United States also has been searching for Binalshibh, particularly
after finding a videotape of him that U.S. officials said was discovered
in an Al Qaeda leader's house in Afghanistan. On that tape, Binalshibh is
seen delivering a martyrdom message.
Editorial: No Case for Going In Alone
By Yossi Klein Halevi
President Bush on Thursday went before the world community in his campaign
against Iraq. His speech to the U.N. General Assembly included no
startling revelations, but it effectively cataloged Saddam Hussein's
decade-long defiance of demands that Iraq show it has destroyed its most
dangerous weapons. Bush's recital of Hussein's torture of his people, use
of gas against Iran and Iraqi Kurds and firing of missiles at Israel,
Saudi Arabia and Bahrain was chilling. But he was not persuasive about the
urgency to get rid of Hussein now and by any means.
After weeks of Vice President Dick Cheney and Bush aides' beating the war
drums, the president's remarks may have represented more a courtesy in
response to his critics than a commitment to getting U.N. Security Council
approval for military action. Still, the best course remains U.N.
inspectors returning to Iraq with the ability to go anywhere at any time
in the search for weapons Baghdad promised to give up more than a decade
ago.
Bush promised that Washington would work with the U.N. on a new demand to
present to Iraq. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell is expected to consult
with other Security Council members on a deadline for the readmission of
inspectors Iraq has barred since 1998. The sooner that deadline, the
better.
The Security Council will have to decide what to do if Iraq continues its
defiance, or if it admits inspectors but then hinders their activities.
Bush properly challenged the U.N. to show its deliberations are "more than
talk" and its resolutions "more than wishes." The president raised the
specter of the League of Nations, predecessor of the United Nations, which
was impotent when Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931 and Italy invaded
Ethiopia in 1935. The League was crippled from its start by the refusal of
the United States to join.
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan agreed that the Security Council "must
face its responsibilities" if Iraq's defiance continues. But Annan also
was blunt in warning Washington against playing the lone cowboy, saying
this would undercut the international rule of law and cause upheaval in
the Middle East.
Speaking after Annan, Bush kept his options open, declaring that if
Security Council resolutions are not enforced, "action will be
unavoidable."
Washington's rhetoric has alarmed potential allies. German Chancellor
Gerhard Schroeder has repeatedly warned against war in Iraq. Three of the
five permanent members of the Security Council--France, Russia and
China--also have distanced themselves from the Bush administration on the
issue. They agree that Iraq is dangerous, that it has refused to destroy
its stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons and that it has not
given up on developing nuclear weapons.
But demanding compliance with U.N. resolutions is different from insisting
on a "regime change." There is legitimate concern for the precedent that
toppling Hussein would set. Nuclear-armed India already has fought three
wars with Pakistan, which now also has nuclear weapons. New Delhi could
try to remove a Pakistani government if it sponsored terrorists attacking
India. China considers Taiwan a renegade province and could use the
island's purchase of U.S. weapons as a pretext for invasion.
As long as the president warns that the United States may need to
intervene alone, Congress must hold hearings at which the Bush
administration can present its case for action to the American people.
Republicans are pushing for a vote on an invasion and removal of Hussein
before the November elections, believing they will benefit from any votes
by Democrats against military action.
But political point-scoring can't get in the way of answers Americans
need. How many U.S. troops would be involved if Washington fails to get
U.N. support and goes it alone? How long would soldiers need to occupy
Iraq while a new government takes shape? How would all of this affect the
war on terror?
Last week's attempted assassination of Afghan President Hamid Karzai and
continued battles between warlords in Afghanistan demonstrate how much
more needs to be done to rebuild that country. Al Qaeda members are
reported to be in 95 countries and have access to money that lets them
plot more devastation.
The Iraqi government has earned its pariah status. The United Nations will
have to determine how to enforce its 16 resolutions, from 1990 to 1998,
demanding that Iraq destroy weapons, free prisoners of war and supply
medicine to its people. Setting a deadline to admit weapons inspectors
should be easy; that's the first step. The Bush administration should keep
working closely with the United Nations; getting its support would lend
legitimacy to the argument that military force against Iraq is necessary.
Shoulder to Shoulder
Despite the Dangers to Their Own Nation, Israelis Strongly Support Bush on
Iraq
Yossi Klein Halevi is the Israel correspondent for the New
Republic. His book, "At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden: A Jew's Search
for Hope with Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land."
Public responsible for
foreign policy
By
Constance Hilliard
Until the past week or
so, I was deeply disturbed by political rumors that Vice President Cheney
and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld were angling to rid the Bush
administration of Secretary of State Colin Powell, one of the most adept
and experienced diplomats of our times. But I've now changed my mind.
Maybe it is indeed time for Powell to step down, to put some distance
between himself and this White House, which simply may not deserve his
singular talents or understand the gifts of perspective and balance he
brings to our foreign-policy apparatus.
Powell, who favors
international coalition-building and multilateral action, has made new
allies for America. He has been the principal voice in this administration
arguing against the long-term efficacy of military solutions either to the
Palestinian-Israeli crisis or to our own "war on terrorism." Neither
Rumsfeld nor Cheney possesses Powell's diplomatic skills or the larger
worldview required to win friends among nations whose populations look
different and think differently than they do.
Whatever the outcome
of this political wrangling at the top, in a democracy it is the American
public, not the president's advisers, that bears ultimate responsibility
for the conduct of our foreign policy. If I have learned anything of
enduring value from the 9/11 tragedy it is that, like it or not, we will
almost certainly be held hostage to our foreign-policy failures. Hawkish
posturing may entertain a certain political segment of the public. But it
will not make the world a more peaceful place or our homeland more secure.
I've been disappointed to see many Americans retreat
into mindless, Stars-and-Stripes jingoism rather than explore the
foreign-policy issues exploding all around us. To make matters worse, the
views the public does have are often measured by simpleton polls. Not
surprisingly, for instance, a majority of Americans respond "yes" when
asked: "Should Saddam Hussein be removed from office?" The results would
be far different were the more realistic question asked: "Would you, as an
American citizen, be willing to accept your fair share of the
responsibility for the choice of a military over a political solution if
war with Iraq led to that nation's disintegration into new rogue states,
each with its own terrorist agenda and American civilians as its
bull's-eye?"
Constance Hilliard is an associate history professor
at the University of North Texas, Denton.
U.S. Arrests Al Qaeda Cell In NY
The FBI has arrested what
appears to be an active al Qaeda cell inside the United States, reports
CBS News Correspondent Jim Stewart in an exclusive report. Agents detained
five men in a Buffalo, N.Y. surburb - all graduates of Osama Bin Laden's
al Qaeda terrorist camps in Afghanistan.
Authorities are also looking for possibly two other
men overseas who were the group's handlers. Another member of the cell has
been turned over to the United States by a foreign power.
In a separate arrest across the ocean, Ramzi
Binalshibh, a high-profile fugitive al Qaeda member who is believed to
have trained with the 9/11 hijackers, was captured in Pakistan nearly a
year after he became one of America's top terror targets, U.S. officials
said.
The officials, who spoke only on condition of
anonymity, said Binalshibh was captured earlier this week in a joint raid
by Pakistani forces and U.S. intelligence officers in the southern coastal
city of Karachi. The raid ended in a deadly shootout.
Sources tell CBS News the discovery of the New
York-based cell -- and a recent spike in their overseas and internal
communications -- was largely responsible for President Bush deciding to
go to alert Condition Orange earlier this week. It is not known whether
the cell had identified a specific target in the United States, or how
close they were to acting.
All of the Buffalo suspects are U.S. citizens of
Yemini descent. Four were born in the U.S, while the fifth was
naturalized. All live within a block of each other in a Buffalo surburb
known as Lackawanna. And all attended the same mosque. The cell's
ringleader, also a U.S. citizen of Yemini background, is believed to be in
Yemen and outside of U.S. reach for the moment.
The five Buffalo suspects will apparently be charged
with providing material support and resources to terrorists. This
apparently follows a debate within the White House itself over whether to
treat the men as criminal defendants, or as nonmilitary combatants with no
charges and no access to an attorney.
Sources say the men attended Al Qaeda camps prior to
9/11 and then returned to the United States. There is no indication they
had any support role in that attack, or even had fore knowledge it would
take place.
One senior government official said one of the men
arrested in Buffalo is linked to Omar al-Farouq, a senior al Qaeda figure
captured in Asia this summer, who has provided his interrogators specific
information suggesting that terror cells in the region were planning
attacks on U.S. facilities, the sources said.
A senior government official, speaking on condition
of anonymity, said the Justice Department plans to charge the men with
providing material support and resources to terrorists. In a separate
development, a suspected organizer of the Sept. 11 attacks was captured in
Pakistan, U.S. officials said Friday. U.S. officials say the
newly-detained suspect, Binalshibh, belonged to a Hamburg-based cell led
by the late Mohammed Atta, an Egyptian suspected of leading the Sept. 11
hijackers.
Binalshibh, 30, was born in Yemen. He was being sought by the German
government for his role in the Sept. 11 attacks. The arrest of Binalshibh
was a major coup for U.S. authorities who have searched for him for
months. Officials said he was not wounded during the capture.
Before Sept. 11, Binalshibh was frustrated in his
attempts to receive a visa to enter the United States in 2000, where, U.S.
officials allege, he planned to join the other 19 hijackers. Instead, he
provided financial support to the other hijackers, officials said.
He is considered an aide to Khalid Shaikh Mohammed,
believed to be the mastermind of the Sept. 11 suicide hijackings that left
nearly 3,000 dead, officials said. Mohammed is still at large.
To catch him, police commandos fought a pitched
battle with al Qaeda suspects holed up in an apartment Wednesday in
Karachi, with combat spilling out onto adjoining rooftops, officials said.
They said that two suspects were killed and several more captured in the
fighting, as Pakistan stepped up pressure on the remnants of the terrorist
movement a year after it made its mark on the world.
At least six officers were wounded when police
stormed the top-floor apartment and the rooftop where the gunmen held out
against hundreds of troops in the street and on the roofs of nearby
apartment blocks, they said. Two of the wounded were reported in critical
condition.
Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf told CNN in an
interview Friday that one Egyptian, one Saudi and eight Yemenis were
captured in the raid. U.S. personnel were not hurt in the raid, American
officials said. According to the U.S. grand jury indictment of Zacarias
Moussaoui, an alleged conspirator in the Sept. 11 attacks, Binalshibh
applied four times for a visa to enter the United States from May to
October 2000, but was rebuffed each time. After being denied a visa for
the third time, Binalshibh allegedly began funneling money to associates
inside the United States. He wired money to Moussaoui, to at least two
hijackers and to a Florida flight school at which one of the hijackers was
training, the indictment said. Authorities believe Binalshibh fled Germany
for Pakistan before Sept. 11. German authorities had issued an
international arrest warrant for Binalshibh, whose whereabouts until now
were unknown.
A correspondent for the pan-Arab satellite station
Al-Jazeera claimed to have interviewed Binalshibh and Khalid Shaikh
Mohammed, at a secret location in Pakistan. The men admitted being central
figures in the Sept. 11 plot, and claimed the U.S. Congress had been
another target that day. In Thursday's broadcast, al-Jazeera aired audio
excerpts of the interview, in which two male voices attributed to Mohammed
and Binalshibh revealed details about the buildup to the Sept. 11 attacks.
The voice purported to be Binalshibh's said the hijackers were instructed
to take over the planes 15 minutes after takeoff. "That was the best time,
and they were very brave," he said.
Two other members of the Hamburg cell, Marwan al-Shehhi
and Ziad Jarrah, died in the suicide hijackings. Two additional members of
the Hamburg cell did not take part in the hijackings and are still at
large.
He also appeared in a videotape, released by the
Justice Department several months ago, that was recovered by U.S. forces
in Afghanistan at the home of al Qaeda's slain military chief, Mohammed
Atef.
Sept. 11 Planner
Arrested; Suspected Terror Cell Busted in Buffalo
FoxNews
NEW YORK — In a double whammy on the war on
terror, U.S. authorities in Pakistan arrested a man suspected to be a
major planner of the Sept. 11 attacks and also arrested five members of a
suspected terror cell near Buffalo, N.Y.
One member of the homegrown cell was linked to intelligence that also
prompted the Justice Department to issue a higher alert earlier this week,
officials said.
Officials said Ramzi Binalshibh, suspected to be a major planner of Sept.
11, was arrested in Pakistan earlier this week and was being held in U.S.
custody.Binalshibh is one of the so-called "20th hijackers" who tried to
take part in the Sept. 11 terror attacks on New York and Washington but
had problems acquiring a U.S. visa. He was captured Wednesday in a joint
raid by Pakistani forces and U.S. intelligence officers in southern
coastal city of Karachi. The raid ended in a deadly shootout.
In a recent interview with the
Arabic satellite news network Al-Jazeera, Binalshibh bragged that he had
participated in the planning of the Sept. 11 attacks.
Binalshibh's roommate, Mohammed
Atta, was one of the hijackers on American Airlines Flight 11, which
crashed into the north tower of the World Trade Center. U.S. officials say
Binalshibh was also a member of a Hamburg-based cell led by Atta. Before
Sept. 11, Binalshibh was frustrated in his attempts to receive a visa to
enter the United States in 2000. Instead, U.S. officials allege, he
provided financial support to the other 19 hijackers. Separately,
officials said five men of Yemeni descent, most believed to American
citizens, were arrested in Lackawanna, outside Buffalo, on suspicions they
were operating as a terrorist cell on U.S. soil.
The officials said the men were
on U.S. soil for years and lived just a few blocks from each other, but
were discovered through recent investigation and intelligence suggesting
they were part of a terrorist cell. The evidence included a recent spike
in communications with suspected terrorist locations overseas, and some
evidence of attendance at a terror training camp linked to Usama bin
Laden, the officials said.
The officials said, however, there was no evidence the men were in
any stages of launching a terrorist attack. Officials declined to describe
many of the details of the case, saying it was sealed. The arrests will be
announced by the Justice Department at a news conference Saturday, a
senior government official said, on condition of anonymity. The source
said the Justice Department plans to charge the men in the Buffalo area
capture with providing material support and resources to terrorists.
U.S. officials said the discovery of the cell was connected to information
that also prompted the Bush administration to raise America's terror alert
to "code orange" -- the second highest -- on the eve of the Sept. 11
anniversary. One senior government official said one of the men arrested
in Buffalo is linked to Omar al-Farouq, a senior Al Qaeda figure captured
in Asia this summer, who has provided his interrogators specific
information suggesting that terror cells in the region were planning
attacks on U.S. facilities, the sources said.
The official did not say how the
two were associated. The official said the information provided by Farouq
that led to the higher alert does not stop with the five men arrested in
Buffalo. "There are other reasons we're at orange," the official said,
without elaborating. Binalshibh's capture is a major accomplishment for
the United States. Binalshibh, who has alluded authorities for months, was
not injured during his arrest.
To catch him, police commandos fought a pitched battle with Al
Qaeda suspects holed up in an apartment Wednesday, with combat spilling
out onto adjoining rooftops, officials said. They said that two suspects
were killed and five captured in the fighting, as Pakistan stepped up
pressure on the remnants of the terrorist movement a year after it made
its mark on the world.
Six officers were wounded when
police stormed the top-floor apartment and the rooftop where the gunmen
held out against hundreds of troops in the street and on the roofs of
nearby apartment blocks, they said. Two of the wounded were reported in
critical condition.
Pakistan President Pervez
Musharraf told a news program in an interview Friday that one Egyptian,
one Saudi and eight Yemenis were captured in the raid.
U.S. personnel were not hurt in
the raid, officials said.
Binalshibh, 30, was born in Yemen. He is being sought by the German
government for his role in the Sept. 11 attacks. The Arab satellite
network Al-Jazeera ran a taped interview with Binalshibh Thursday, in
which he said he helped coordinate the attacks. Also interviewed was
Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, whom U.S. counterterrorism officials say
masterminded the strikes. He also appeared in a videotape recovered by
U.S. forces in Afghanistan at the home of Al Qaeda's slain military chief,
Mohammed Atef.
According to the U.S. grand jury indictment of Zacarias Moussaoui,
an alleged conspirator in the Sept. 11 attacks, Binalshibh applied four
times for a visa to enter the United States from May to October 2000, but
was rebuffed each time. After being denied a visa for the third time,
Binalshibh allegedly began funneling money to associates inside the United
States. He wired money to Moussaoui, to at least two hijackers and to a
Florida flight school at which one of the hijackers was training, the
indictment said. Authorities believe Binalshibh fled Germany for Pakistan
before Sept. 11. German authorities had issued an international arrest
warrant for Binalshibh, whose whereabouts until now were unknown.
A correspondent for the pan-Arab satellite station Al-Jazeera
claimed to have interviewed Binalshibh and another Sept. 11 fugitive,
Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, at a secret location in Pakistan. The men admitted
being central figures in the Sept. 11 plot, and claimed the U.S. Congress
had been another target that day. In Thursday's broadcast, Al-Jazeera
aired audio excerpts of the interview, in which two male voices attributed
to Mohammed and Binalshibh revealed details about the buildup to the Sept.
11 attacks. The voice purported to be Binalshibh's said the hijackers were
instructed to take over the planes 15 minutes after takeoff. "That was the
best time, and they were very brave," he said. Two other members of the
Hamburg cell, Marwan al-Shehhi and Ziad Jarrah, died in the suicide
hijackings. Two other members of the Hamburg cell did not take part in the
hijackings and are still at large.
Fox News' Carl Cameron and The Associated Press contributed to this
report.
Official: Terrorists Met in Amsterdam
By Toby Sterling
AMSTERDAM -- A group of al-Qaida terrorists, including two of the
pilots who flew into the World Trade Center, met in Amsterdam in 1999, a
German security official said Friday. The official, who spoke on condition
of anonymity, said al-Qaida members met twice in the Netherlands while
attending "Islamic seminars."
The meeting in mid-June 1999 was attended by pilots Mohamed Atta
and Marwan al-Shehhi, and Ramsi Binalshibh -- the man who this week
claimed on Arabic satellite network al-Jazeera to have coordinated the
Sept. 11 attacks. Mounir El Motassadeq, the only person under arrest in
Germany for direct involvement in the Sept. 11 attacks, was also present.
The Dutch Internal Security Service declined to comment, and Dutch
prosecutors investigating other al-Qaida operations in the Netherlands
said they were unaware of the meeting. German prosecutors, however, had
confirmed that at least one member of the Hamburg al-Qaida cell visited
the country. At a news conference Aug. 29, German prosecutor Kay Nehm said
El Motassadeq embraced Islamic fundamentalism after visiting the
Netherlands. Nehm said the first seminar was held in Eindhoven in early
1999, the second in Amsterdam in mid-1999 -- apparently the same seminar
where, according to the source, they met with Binalshibh.
Dutch daily newspaper De Telegraaf reported Friday that the group
used a conference on "Muslim Puritanism" held at an unidentified Amsterdam
mosque as a cover for their meeting.
A second Dutch paper, the Eindhoven Dagblad, reported Thursday that
El Motassadeq also visited Eindhoven in the fall of 1999 and again in
2001. Both papers cited unidentified members of the Internal Security
Service. The German source couldn't confirm either paper's report.
Fourteen alleged terrorists have been arrested in the Netherlands
since Sept. 11, 2001, and are awaiting trial.
Why wars don't stop terrorism
By Dahlia Lithwick
I have received mail this week
from readers objecting to my recent contention that the United States is
not at war. There are two main strands to this debate: Are we at war, and
should we be? The first is a matter of law: Can we be at war without a
congressional declaration? Is war a subjective status (as in, "hmmm, sure
feels like a war out there today") or
is it a formal, o |